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THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE HOLY ORENIAN EMPIRE: Volume III; The Time of Troubles


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THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE HOLY ORENIAN EMPIRE: Volume III;

The Time of Troubles

Written by Justinian Nafis, heir to the County of Susa

 

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and

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Adolphus Gloriana, Earl of Suffolk, Prince of Sutica

 


The Time of Troubles

 

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“These are dark times we live in, my boy. I see more heads flying than I do crows in the sky; I must tread lightly so I do not become food for the latter.”

 - King Andrik III of Haense to his Lord Palatine, Konrad Stafyr

 

The years 1725-1737, between the ascension of Alexander II and the beginning of the reign of Emperor Peter III, mark the period historians call ‘The Time of Troubles’. This period is defined by the failure of the new Imperial government to effectively deal with the issues that arose during the latter years of the Pertinaxi Dynasty. A string of weak, ineffectual ministers, paired with a timid, frequently-absent Emperor, found themselves unable to contain the deteriorating political situation. While Adrian de Sarkozy brought the Empire a strong leader during his time as Lord Protector, he was far more of a warrior than a statesman, and the intrigue from within the Imperial Court tied his hands as he tried to hold the Empire together through sheer willpower. Most scholars, both contemporary and later, describe the period as a "dark age": a time of uncertainty, intrigue, and violence, but, much like with the downfall of the Pertinaxi Dynasty, the chaos brought opportunity. New men and women rose to the forefront, and the organization of government and society that had existed since the dawn of feudalism during the birth of the Empire began to be questioned and challenged. It was not until the ascension of Peter III in 1737 that a regular dynasty was returned to the Imperial throne and stability restored to the Empire; that dynasty would be the Novellens.

Emperor Alexander II had little time to enjoy his ascension to the throne, as a myriad of problems faced his nascent Empire. While Adrian de Sarkoz, now the Duke of Adria, had signed an alliance with the Urguani Horde to back his bid for the Empire, the treaty did not extend to Alexander II, and a formal peace would have to be made. The army, which had been thoroughly ravaged since the War of the Two Emperors, was in dire need of reconstruction. The Imperial bureaucracy and administration similarly faced a number of vacancies, though these would soon be filled by Simon Basrid and his allies. Finally, the myriad of imperial vassals—Haense, Curon, Adria, and Cathalon all wielded significant power in their own right. Combined, they could easily overmatch the Crownlands. Although Emperor Alexander was technically of age, being fourteen at the time of his ascension, he was bright enough to realize that his youth and inexperience would not do him well should he try to govern the Empire alone. To this end, he created a council formed from the most prominent men of the realm, many of them former supporters of Joseph Marna. High Pontiff Daniel VI and Simon Basrid were tasked with reorganizing the Imperial administration and negotiating a peace treaty with Urguan. The Duke of Adria was called to reform the shattered Imperial Army. Laertes de Falstaff, younger brother of the late Conrad de Falstaff, was chosen to revive the Nauzica Brigade, the elite guard force of the Johannian Emperors, as well as the Imperial intelligence network. Finally, John d’Arkent, the bastard son of Joseph Marna, was named Archchancellor of the Empire and given the responsibility of mediating disputes between or from the various vassals.

A quick glance into the characters making up the Imperial inner circle proves useful in examining the actions of the Empire not only during the reign of Alexander II, but even into the modern age. While clerics, Daniel VI and Simon Basrid were liberals, and saw in the collapse of the Pertinaxi regime an opportunity to bring substantial change to Oren, namely by upending the old feudal system that had defined humanity for much of its history since its introduction by Emperor Godfrey. They also believed that absolute, undelegated power held in the hands of a sole monarch led to tyranny, and cited the actions of Emperor Anthony as the dangers of this. They believed that dividing the roles of the government and limiting the direct duties of the Emperor would drastically reduce his ability to act in a tyrannical manner. Taking inspiration from a series of reforms that had first taken place within the Kingdom of Haense, which focused on stripping the nobility of their privileges, namely the right to levy soldiers, to centralize the authority of the Crown, the High Pontiff and his Basrid ally made sure to only support policies and actions that would centralize the authority of the Emperor and his government. One instance of this came in their opposition to Emperor Alexander's settling of new vassals, among them Leufroy d’Amaury, who shall be discussed in greater detail later. They believed that the distribution of Crown lands would lead to a reduction in Imperial tax revenue and manpower, and opposed any measure that would allow it to be given to feudal entities. Eventually, this view of government won out, and became the guiding philosophy of most of the Novellen Emperors.

On the opposite end of the liberal clergymen was Charles Alstion, who, while not having an official position within the Imperial government, was still regularly consulted for his advice. Despite being a social outcast at the Imperial court due to his support for the Pertinaxi Empire during the War of the Two Emperors, the Prince of Alstion was unafraid of expressing his sympathies for the Pertinaxi Empire.Contrary to the popular description of the Pertinaxi dynasty as being marked by violence and tyranny, Charles Alstion asserted that they represented strength, and would often point out that the Legions only rarely met defeat, and never twice in a row. The Pertinaxi, though quite lacking in administration, had been able to keep their vassals in line and their armies supreme. These arguments were sharply rejected by most of the Imperial court, though, and soon he was effectively banished at the insistence of Simon Basrid and his allies and sent to live on his country estate.

The Duke of Adria was something of a hybrid of the respective philosophies espoused by Alstion and the liberal clergy. However, he was far from an ideologue and primarily focused on the affairs of his holdings. He believed in the necessity of a strong central military, able to cow dissenting vassals into submission. To Adrian de Sarkozy, vassals were useful tools to conduct the functions of state and further the imperial agenda, but they were generally unreliable and prone to acts of defiance, which required constant vigilance to correct. While a mildly popular theory during his age, it was seen as an ineffectual middle path by both the vassals of the Empire and the central Imperial government, and would not emerge as a dominant political view until the Aster Revolution conducted by Emperor Philip III and continued by his son, King Frederick I.

Laertes de Falstaff and John d’Arkent, though very influential in court and in the private audience of the Emperor, did not align themselves with any of the growing political factions. De Falstaff, who had become addicted to hedonism, primarily used his position to satisfy his vices, though his service and loyalty to the Emperor never wavered. A rather apolitical man, most of his advice was built upon pragmatism. However, d'Arkent was nothing short of an opportunist. Willing to accept bribes, forge documents, embezzle funds, and grant himself hefty "rewards for his leal service," the future Duke of Sunholdt (a title he gave to himself) frequently gave advice that was aimed at his own benefit, not the benefit of the Empire as a whole.

 

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A rendition of the High Pontiff, St. Daniel VI by Justinian Basrid, Heir to Susa

(Author’s Note: To Lady Sophia, the Countess of Susa,

Your son has made a magnificent drawing. He is truly an artistic talent with a great attention to detail. Truly one of my finest pupils. - Adolphus Gloriana, Earl of Suffolk)

Another important facet of Imperial politics during this era was the Canonist Church, which was experiencing a revival under Daniel VI after the horrors of the War of the Two Emperors. While these authors are not implying that the Canonist Church is inherently a vassal or institution of a singular nation (though they have been influenced by such), we wanted to speak about the current happenings in the Canonist Church at the time. The Canonist Church, prior to the modern age, was a semi-reformed church made after an attempt by Daniel VI’s namesake, High Pontiff St. Daniel I, to collectize all the different sects and denominations into a unified church. Despite the fact that the attempt failed in outlying places like the Turkin lands, the Kingdom of Gaekrin, the Shogunate of Oyashima, and among other regions, it was a huge success for the descendants of the first citizens of the Holy Orenian Empire. According to the theologian and venerated Philip Pius Coppinger, Daniel VI received a vision from St. Daniel to unify the Canonist Church further to prevent fracturing over secular and theological issues. With this vision, Daniel began working on his unification. 

The first unification work came regarding an official catechism for the Canonist Church. The Canonist Church never had solid progress in educating converts or deciding the way for priests to become priests. With the help of Cardinal Fabian the Lesser, Daniel VI found a way to go through all theology in layman's terms while also expanding the minds of potential clergy. Further, the official process of acolytes creating theses to be ordained was created here. The rich amount of theology the Canonist Church has today was created through this education of priests and pushing them to create major theological works.

The second unification work came regarding the compiling of all the Canonist Church’s revered figures. Venerated, blessed, and saints—all who were revered and adored by the Canonist Church were immortalized on this list until the end of time.Daniel VI and his advisors worked tirelessly to include perfect and complete details about each of the blessed's and saints' lives. While the blessed lacked information, the saints, as Philip Pius Coppinger says, "is a stunning display both of literature and of God’s mercy on Terra. The Lord truly has mercy on us." Even today, this synaxarion is read to children at a very young age. Two of the saints we dedicate this book to are contained within this synaxarion, Sts. Kristoff and Jude. When you have the time to read it, we strongly urge you to.

There will be a magnum opus that revolutionizes the Canonist Church in ten years from now, but these authors will save that for when it comes. For now, during all the secular actions taking place, Daniel VI is hard at work furthering the Canonist Church for the Lord.

Not long after Alexander II’s ascension, challenges to Imperial authority arose both from within and without the Emperor’s inner circle, no doubt driven by the conflicting ideologies that had grasped men and women around the Empire. The Duke of Adria secured one of his supporters, the competent Sir Hans de Ruyter, a spot as one of the commanders of the Nauzica Brigade. He then convinced Daniel VI to appoint Sir Hans’s son, Ludolf de Ruyter, as Bishop of Helena and Cardinal Pruvia. At the crossroads between the Crownlands, Haense, and Cathalon, where the former lands of Leuven lay, Richard Alimar, a member of a scion of the Royal Barbanov Dynasty of Haense, claimed the lands as his own, establishing the Principality of Rubern. With the formidable Black Reiter Company at his back, the newly-made Prince Richard I agreed to swear fealty to Emperor Alexander in exchange for Rubern being given extensive autonomy. 

A year later, in 1726, Duke Helton of Cathalon was elected to the throne of Kaedrin by the notables of Ves, effectively ending the Vesian Republic for good and transforming the Duchy of Cathalon into the Kingdom of Kaedrin. Donning the regnal name Adrian I, the new king grew emboldened, and soon ordered Richard de Reden to march the Kaedreni Army into the Barony of Guise, which was a contested tract of land between Kaedrin and Haense. Skirmishes immediately broke out between the forces of Kaedrin and Haense, though they did not escalate beyond that. Not wishing to see civil war break out, Emperor Alexander ordered the Kaedreni forces to evacuate Guise in exchange for confirming King Adrian’s ascension to the throne of Kaedrin. Then, a small Imperial garrison was ordered into Guise to prevent it from being taken by either Haense or Kaedrin.

In 1727, some progress was being made by the Imperial government. Peace had been made with Urguan, in which only some minor border territories and a few titular titles were ceded; the Imperial army was recovering well; the Imperial bureaucracy had been entirely overhauled and modernized; and new vassals were being settled within the Crownlands. Foremost among these was Leufroy d’Amaury, a descendent of the famed Dukes of Lorraine. Having served in the army of Joseph Marna as a minor bannerman, d’Amaury had ingratiated himself with many of the senior officers, who saw within him a promising young man. However, by the war’s end, he was quickly rehabilitated into the Pertinaxi Empire by the Cascadian Regency, which was in dire need of competent officers. Sent to the front to command a small fort during the short war with Urguan, d’Amaury was one of the few commanders who performed well, driving back a handful of dwarven raiding parties and generally keeping his part of the border from meeting the same fate as the other overrun defenses. By 1726, his renown increased after he defeated a force of Reivers, who had begun to raid across the Empire after having not received compensation for their service in Joseph Marna’s army. He then joined Richard de Reden’s force in his series of skirmishes against Haense, hoping to be given Guise as a reward, but the conflict was quickly ended after Emperor Alexander’s intervention. However, by 1727, the dashing young d’Amaury had become something of a household name, and his following soon rivaled those of the other major vassals of the realm. Hoping to capitalize off of this, Archchancellor John d’Arkent persuaded his liege to grant the up and coming Lorrainian his old familial title and settle him within the Crownlands. The Emperor agreed, and d’Amaury was given the Duchy of Lorraine along with a sizable plot of land situated right next to the Duchy of Adria. This would prove to be a dire mistake.

While any amateur student of history would claim that the historical rivalry between the houses of d’Amaury and Sarkozic, dating back to the Dukes’ War of 1518-1521, would spell doom for any efforts to force the two into cooperation, the truth is that Adrian de Sarkozy and Leufroy d’Amaury initially regarded each other as strong friends and allies. Having first met during the War of the Two Emperors, the two quickly formed a mutual respect for each other’s prowess on the battlefield. During Sarkozy’s bid for the Imperial throne in 1725, he had even asked d’Amaury to join his march on Helena, but the latter was too far away to reach him in time. When d’Amaury was granted his lands in 1727, the Duke of Adria celebrated his battle-brother’s ascension into the ranks of the nobility with a grand feast, at which he betrothed a cousin of his, Helaine, to the Duke of Lorraine. An alliance was formed between the two, and joint-training between their respective levies was held nearly every other week. Whatever reservations the two may have had due to some blood rivalry that was over two centuries old, it was far from evident at the beginning. However, this would soon change.

Many rumors persist as to why the healthy friendship between the Duke of Adria and the Duke of Lorraine began to deteriorate around 1728, eventually leading to the Lorrainian Revolt in 1729. The historian Brom Herston, in his work Alexander II, writes: "The Duke of Adria had, by that time, entered into an illicit affair with his cousin, Helaine, the woman he had betrothed to the Duke of Lorraine a year earlier. Upon hearing word of one of their trysts, the furious Duke of Lorraine challenged Sarkozy to a duel. Receiving only silence, raids soon followed." Jychel Druel, a half-elven ambassador from the Free City of Talon’s Port, claims that the enmity did not spring from any action taken by either Duke, but from rivalries between their respective soldiers, which forced the two men to back their own. Finally, Stepan de Rosieres, author of The Truth of the Devil from the Sands: The Life of the Wretched Villain Simon Basrid, alleges that Simon Basird incited the feud between the two men in order to convince the Emperor to abandon the feudal system and install democracy. Whatever the case may be, the first minor skirmishes between Adria and Lorraine commenced during the summer of 1728. These small fights persisted throughout the summer and produced few casualties, but each encounter gave ample room for the Duke of Adria and Lorraine, respectively, to petition the Emperor in the hopes that he would disavow the other. However, John d’Arkent advised Emperor Alexander to allow the two vassals to fight, and so the young Emperor refused to heed the pleas of either man. 

The small feud could not be kept as such for long, though, and on the 16th of Owyn’s Flame, 1728, a full-scale battle erupted between the two. Four thousand Lorrainians, led by Sir Lewis Guiscard, stormed into Adria to face a force of three thousand, led by Sir Leonard de Ruyter. With d’Amaury visiting Kaedrin in hopes of securing an alliance with King Adrian I, and Sarkozy overseeing repairs of the defenses along the Urguani border, there was no one with senior authority present to put a stop to the fighting. With the outnumbered Adrians pushed back into the town’s center, Peter de Sarkozy, brother of the Duke of Adria, rode to the capital and asked for Sir Hans de Ruyter, now the de facto commander of the Nauzican Brigade, to ride to the aid of his kinsmen and benefactor. Although the Nauzica were sworn to neutrality, Sir Hans had corrupted the elite guard, filling its ranks with men loyal to him and wielding it to support the interests of the Duke of Adria. Without hesitation, Sir Hans rode with five hundred Nauzica cavalry to aid Adria. They arrived just as the Lorrainians had nearly pushed into the main keep, and were able to drive back Sir Lewis and his men. The battle, though indecisive, had left two hundred men dead, broken the sworn neutrality of the Nauzica, and now caused a storm at the Imperial court. Was civil war about to erupt once more in the realm?

When the prospect of civil war loomed overhead, Charles Alstion focused his attention on something entirely else. According to Queen Johanna of Sutica in her novel, Corvinus, Charles Alstion was reported to loiter outside a wine cellar near the City-State of Sutica. While no one knows why, Charles observed a wine barrel for days on end without so much as a nibble of food. Charles would not even sleep unless he touched the barrel twenty times per day. On one faithful day, Charles was quoted as whispering to the barrel, "Within this barrel, shall the dreams of the pretenders be overthrown." 

 

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A recovered bust of King Corwin I of Sutica, date unknown

When the next day dawned, Charles Alstion was nowhere to be seen again. But a man, Queen Johanna reports, came out. A brute of nine feet, with shoulders strong enough to hold ten war elephants, and a sunlight radiance upon him. Corwin von Alstreim emerged in glory with aengulic beings flying overhead, proclaiming the coming of this messianic hero being ushered into existence.

A prophecy, while lost for a few years but recorded by Queen Johanna of Sutica, goes as follows, "On this day, a body was born. But anger and vitriol were lost in its creation. The Holy Orenian Empire shall fall. But the Lord has destined me to save it, and to save this atheistic state from the destruction that the Lord has planned for it should they not repent. A successor after my namesake shall emerge and save the true heir of the Holy Orenian Empire, and in doing so, save the Orenian people from their own destruction." After the prophecy was uttered, the man vanished in a mist, with aengulic beings close behind.

Adrian de Sarkozy and Leufroy d’Amaury did not idle in the aftermath of the Battle of Adria. Fearing potential arrest if they ventured to the capital, both men avoided both Helena and their own holdings until a final decision was made. The Duke of Lorraine spent most of his time in Kaedrin, pledging his support to King Adrian in his bid to gain control of the Barony of Guise in exchange for the latter’s help against the Duke of Adria. The Duke of Adria, in talks with the Prince of Rubern and the King of Haense, joined them in a Crowsmoot held in Rubern on the 10th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1728. The Crowsmoot was an ancient conclave held between descendents of the Carrion Dynasty, and was generally called in times where the branches of the Crow needed to settle differences, unite, or generally discuss future cooperation. While the exact proceedings of this Crowsmoot are well-guarded to history, as only those with Carrion blood were allowed to attend, the result is well-known to history. An alliance was formed between Rubern, Haense, and Adria. The Duke of Adria and Prince Richard of Rubern agreed to swap their betrothals, with Princess Ester of Curonia and Princess Maria of Haense, respectively, and cooperate to keep the roads free of banditry. With this alliance formed, the three pledged to put an end to the Duke of Lorraine and then move to secure the Barony of Guise for Haense.

Over in the capital, the Duke of Adria’s supporters in court moved to prevent any potential backlash. Ludolf Cardinal Pruvia, the Bishop of Helena, organized a private meeting between himself, the Emperor, the Archchancellor, and an envoy sent by Lorraine. While Emperor Alexander desired to relocate Adria and forbade the two from raising arms against each other, the Cardinal Pruvia pointed out, controversially, that it was Lorraine that had struck the first blow, and asserted, correctly, that it was Lorraine that had escalated the feud, thus making the Nauzican involvement in the feud entirely legal, as it was done to keep order. In a diary entry from the young Cardinal Pruvia, it is alleged that he paid John d’Arkent a bribe to support him, though this reading is subject to some scrutiny. Other scholars allege that the Archchancellor simply believed that Lorraine was in a worse position and coveted its lands for himself. Regardless, with d’Arkent’s support, Cardinal Pruvia was able to convince the Emperor that Duke Leufroy of Lorraine was nothing but an upstart, and that the most prudent action was to declare him in rebellion and formally strip him of his lands and titles. The Emperor agreed, and on the 3rd of Sun’s Smile, 1729, the Duchy of Lorraine was declared to be in revolt, and Duke Leufroy d’Amaury was stripped of all lands and titles and called to present himself before the Emperor.

Knowing that his surrender would mean death, Leufroy d’Amaury quickly fled his lands and moved with his army towards Guise, as taking it would allow him to be reinforced by the Kaedreni forces. The Imperial army, led by General Otto Barbanov, arrived in Lorraine merely a day after, meeting little resistance as they subdued the rebellious duchy. A few weeks later, d’Amaury and his men stormed Guise, quickly taking it and driving out the small Imperial garrison. d’Amaury sent word to King Adrian of Kaedrin, notifying him that he had taken Guise and requiring Kaedreni reinforcements to meet the combined army sent to meet him. Unfortunately for Duke Leufroy, the King of Kaderin has already entered into secret negotiations with the Adrian-Haeseni-Ruberni alliance. Not wishing to incite the wrath of his liege by aiding an official rebel but also in possession of a formidable army, King Adrian bluffed, proposing to the ‘Crow Alliance’ that, in exchange for being given Guise, he would stay neutral in the conflict. Although he desired Guise for himself, the King of Haense relented, not wishing to prolong the war and force the Empire into civil war once again.

A pause in the fighting took place in the winter of 1729 as the Imperial high command planned the coming offensive against Guise, now fully held by the Duke of Lorraine and his army. It was during this lull that the famous wedding between Adrian de Sarkozy and Princess Maria of Haense took place. Although he had obtained her formal betrothal during the Crowsmoot of 1728, the Duke of Adria knew that Princess Maria still had lingering feelings for Prince Richard, and it was rumored that she was considering fleeing her arranged marriage to be at his side. Knowing his marriage to a daughter of Haense was necessary for the newfound alliance, Duke Adrian moved swiftly to convince her to accept her marriage to him. While some believe this was done out of romantic inclinations, the diaries of Ludolf Cardinal Pruvia dispel this notion: it was a wholly strategic action. Although he was now formally allied with Rubern, the Duke of Adria distrusted Prince Richard, believing him to be little better than a mercenary. Concerned that the mutual affections between Maria and Richard could evolve into plotting against him, Duke Adrian enlisted the aid of Princess Sofia of Haense, Maria’s younger sister. Princess Sophia, herself a formidable woman, had numerous business interests in the arms trade, which furnished her lavish lifestyle. Duke Adrian promised Sophia that, if she aided him in convincing her sister to marry him, he would ensure that her arms companies would be given an exclusive contract with the Imperial army, which he still had official command over as Lord Marshal. Sophia agreed, and arranged a meeting between herself, Maria, and Adrian a mere week before the wedding was set to commence.

Once again, those romantics who would believe that the words of Adrian de Sarkozy were filled with professions of undying love and adoration are simply crafting fiction. Although little is known of the specifics of the meeting, it is clear, from correspondence between Princess Sophia and her husband, Prince Kazimar of Muldav, that the Duke of Adria’s approach was a logical one. At his side, Princess Maria would be close to the Imperial court while also being the lady of one of the stronger Imperial vassals. An ambitious woman herself, Princess Maria saw clearly the benefits of becoming the Duchess of Adria, and thus accepted. The wedding, which was held on the 8th of Sigismund’s End, 1729, was attended by over twelve thousand spectators, including nearly all of the lords and ladies of the Empire, including Emperor Alexander himself, who presented the couple with a dozen hand-picked steeds from his personal stables. The festivities continued for the next week, involving a spectacle of feasts, games, and parades. However, with the winter soon to end, it came time for the final offensive against Leufroy d’Amaury to commence.

By the spring of 1730, the Imperial high command was fully prepared to liberate the Barony of Guise. The Imperial army, Haense, Adria, and Rubern agreed to supply one thousand men each for the reconquest of Guise, which commenced on the 17th of Harren’s Folly, 1730. The combined force, led by General Otto Barbanov, pushed back the Lorrainian sentries and surrounded them at Guise, putting the castle under siege. For two weeks, little happened beyond a series of bombardments from the Imperial forces, but eventually the restless Lorrainian defenders made an offer: their foremost warrior, Sir Lewis of Lorraine, would duel one of the Imperial champions. If Sir Lewis won, the besiegers would allow them safe passage from Guise and merely exile them from the Empire. If the Imperial champion triumphed, then the garrison would surrender unconditionally. King Andrik of Haense, personally leading the Haeseni contingent, volunteered to be the Imperial champion, as he himself was a fighter of great repute, and many stories had been sung of his skill with the blade. Sir Lewis and King Andrik then readied their arms and armor for the duel that was agreed to begin at dusk.

The following account of the duel is chronicled by Sir Leonard de Ruyter, who was present at the Siege of Guise in person.

"That evening, King Andrik and the curr of Lorraine met just outside of the walls of the castle. The rebel defenders, among them d’Amaury himself, stood atop the walls, bows at the ready for any supposed treachery on our part. A humorous thing, to think us the likely traitors, but nothing can stir madmen from the stupors that captivate their imagination. Torches formed a ring around the two, which we were not allowed to pass into, lest Guiscard take some dishonorable action. Suffice to say, I had my hand gripped upon the hilt of my sword the whole damn time.

As soon as the two were ready, a priest came out and led us in prayer. After that, the duel began. The King of Haense wielded a warhammer with a small buckler attached to his arm, while Guiscard used a traditional longsword. As the two lunged forth, their blades met, ringing off each other as the two warriors moved as quick as hares. However, it was over in fewer than ten blows. The King of Haense quickly overwhelmed his opponent, knocking his sword aside and smashing his hammer through the bastard’s collar, causing his armor to splinter into his neck. Guiscard fell to the ground, writhing as he choked on his own blood, but a moment later he fell still."

Despite the agreement that was in place, or perhaps even because of it, given the certain death that awaited them upon their surrender, the Lorrainian defenders continued to resist. However, demoralized from Sir Lewis’s defeat, heavily outnumbered, and running low on provisions, defeat was inevitable. On the 23rd of Sigismund’s End, 1730, the Emperor himself arrived at the siege in order to supervise it. Inspecting the state of Guise’s defenses, he ordered it to be stormed the next day. The following morning, the Imperial army, led personally by General Otto Barbanov, launched its assault upon Guise. After two hours of artillery fire, the Imperials scaled the walls, quickly overwhelming the defenders and surging into the keep. It is said that here the two old friends, Adrian de Sarkozy and Leufroy d’Amaury, fought a duel in the midst of the battle. With the walls of the keep crumbling apart, men being slaughtered, and others fleeing the carnage, the Dukes of Adria and Lorraine fought uninterrupted. The duel continued unabated for ten minutes, though finally the Duke of Adria mortally wounded d’Amaury, driving his sword through the man’s stomach. Both bloodied, and the latter on the verge of death, they embraced and wept over the friendship they once had. As he lay dying, the Duke of Lorraine uttered his final words to his brother:

"Go to glory, Adrian. I present an obstacle to you no longer."

With that, Leufroy d’Amaury died, and with him the last remaining life of his resistance. Those few Lorrainians who held out promptly surrendered upon hearing of their liege’s death. By the day’s end, nearly all of the rebel defenders lay dead or captive, while the Imperials had suffered six hundred casualties. The Barony of Guise had been reconquered, and soon the Kaedreni army moved into the barony, fully incorporating it into the kingdom. A small supplemental garrison from the Imperial army was also stationed, but the rest of the soldiers were allowed to disperse and return home. The Lorraine Revolt has been defeated.

The Empire entered a period of peace following the fall of Leufroy d’Amary, and to many it seemed that Oren would enter a period of prosperity. The High Pontiff and Simon Basrid had managed to restore much of the Imperial administrative apparatus, and were now developing a centralized tax structure. The army reforms under the Duke of Adria had proven effective, and the garrisons across the Empire had been restored to full strength. Laertes de Falstaff and Sir Hans de Ruyter had brutally put down a number of plots against the Imperial throne by Pertinaxi sympathizers, finally using the Nauzican Brigade for its intended purpose. To cap off the bountiful year, Alexander II formally announced his betrothal to Lucille de Falstaff, the daughter of the late Conrad de Falstaff. Despite her relatively low station, the two had been in love for years, and despite the insistence of his council, the Emperor refused to set her aside for a more suitable match. The wedding was set to take place on the 5th of the Sun’s Smile, 1731, and the preparations for the event were one of the most expensive undertakings in the history of the Empire. As fall drifted into winter in late 1730, the Empire was abuzz with excitement for the coming wedding.

However, not all were pleased with the repaired Empire. According to the chronicles of Dragoven Thodul, a minor court official, the Archchancellor, John d’Arkent, had grown envious of the successes of the Emperor’s council and desired the acclamation they had earned. He granted himself a sizable tract of land directly across from the capital, which he began to fill with mercenaries in the guise of simple farmers. He then sent out letters to the Prince of Rubern and the Rex of Krumgar, presenting forged documentation that implicated the Emperor in a plot to overrun their respective realms. He promised both that if they supported his own claim to the Empire, he would reward them with sizable territories within Oren. Finally, he began to arrange a plot with his mercenaries to assassinate the Emperor and seize control of Helena before any of the other Imperial vassals could react. The date of the coup was set for the 3rd of the Sun’s Smile, 1731, just two days before the Imperial wedding.

There are a number of theories surrounding the death of Emperor Alexander II, though only three are seriously considered by any students of history. The first two involve poison, either by the Duke of Adria or John d’Arkent, whose motivations were centered around the acquisition of power. The third, and the official narrative, is that in the weeks prior to his wedding, the Emperor had contracted an illness during his review of the western territories of the Empire, which soon drove him into a coma. Unresponsive and on the verge of death, his council personally turned to the Duke of Adria and asked him to become Lord Protector of the Empire. Whatever the case, On the morning of the 3rd of the Sun’s Smile, 1731, it was announced to the court that Emperor Alexander II, whose absence that morning gave rise to concern, had died. Wasting no time for mourning, Adrian de Sarkozy immediately stepped forth and declared that he was now Lord Protector of the Empire and was to rule it in the coming interregnum. Whatever dissent that may have fomented was immediately quashed by the presence of the Imperial army, Nauzican Brigade, and Adrian levy, all now effectively under the Duke of Adria’s command.  John d’Arkent, outside of the city with his retinue and the Black Army of Rubern, did not receive word of this until an hour later, upon which he and Prince Richard immediately rode to the Imperial palace with their combined army. 

Prince Richard and d’Arkent led their men into the palace and began to contest Adrian’s ascension to the position of Lord Protector. They accused him of poisoning the Emperor, and said that with plenty of eligible candidates for the Imperial throne, there was no reason for him to proclaim himself Lord Protector. As these arguments grew more fierce, the (many) armed men and women around them began preparing themselves for an inevitable clash. At this critical juncture, John d’Arkent, seeing the sizable opposition arrayed against him and Rubern, fled the palace, later to be found hiding in a barrel outside of a tavern. His mercenaries, confused at their liege’s flight, lowered their guard as they comprehended what to do. Taking advantage of this, Sir Hans de Ruyter and the Nauzican Brigade, acting on their own initiative, surged forth and slammed into the unaware mercenaries, scattering them immediately. The Black Army of Rubern, far more disciplined and battle-hardened, managed to make a fighting retreat from the palace until order had been restored by the Lord Protector. The Ruberni, though furious, refrained from escalating the conflict and returned home. The rule of Lord Protector Adrian de Sarkozy had been cemented, though it was not without loss. Reluctant to commit the whole of his forces in the capital, Sarkozy had relied solely on the Nauzican Brigade to beat back the forces of Prince Richard and John d’Arkent. Although they had triumphed, the Nauzica had been decimated during the battle- among the dead was the Imperial spymaster, Laertes de Falstaff- and fewer than fifty of their number remained at the end. From this point forward, the Nauzican Brigade was disbanded, never to be revived again.

Immediately after the battle, Adrian de Sarkozy immediately confirmed the positions of the government members, saved John d’Arkent, who was dragged before the Lord Protector in chains. In tears, the man begged for his life, claiming that he was acting under duress from the Prince of Rubern. He offered his services as Imperial spymaster, which Sarkozy accepted at the insistence of Simon Basrid. With his central government secured, the Lord Protector and his council moved towards ensuring the loyalty of the remaining Imperial vassals, who, while not as incensed as the Prince of Rubern, were still wary of the Duke of Adria. Wishing to strengthen his political base inside the capitol, and assert that he was truly the head of the Empire, rather than its most powerful vassal, Sarkozy began a program of deportation of his subjects from Adria into Helena, leaving the former an abandoned ghost town, but completely transforming and revitalizing the latter.

Unbeknownst to the Lord Protector and his government, as they were attempting to consolidate the power of the now-empty Crown, an orcish army was massing on their western borders. The Rex of Krugmar, Leydluk'Raguk, had accepted John d’Arkent’s call to arms, but had not received word of his failed coup in Helena. Thus, during the month of Owyn’s Flame, 1732, a large orcish force, numbering around four thousand strong, invaded the Empire from the west, marching into the Duchy of Vintas and putting it to siege. The Duke of Vintas, with few forces of his own, agreed to suck the toe of the orcish Rex in exchange for their departure (according to Dragoven Thodul, this is where the war received the name ‘The Toe War’), but despite this, the Krugmar warband remained and soon began looting the farms and villages around Vintas.

Given John d’Arkent’s inclination towards drinking rather than his responsibilities as spymaster, the Imperial court did not receive word of the orcish invasion until they had put Vintas to siege. Scrambling to put together a relief force, the Lord Protector could only send around four thousand light cavalry, put under the command of General Otto Barbanov, to try and lift the siege. Racing to Vintas at a breakneck pace, the relief force finally arrived on the 16th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1732, and met the orcish invaders in battle. Exhausted, outmatched, and low on supplies, the Imperial army was quickly broken by the fearsome orcish berserkers. However, breaking Rex’s army in battle was not General Otto’s intention. Taking a few stalwart veterans with him, General Otto made his way towards the orcish siege weaponry and supply wagons, setting them ablaze. As the Imperial army retreated into the walls of Vintas, the Krugmar invaders returned to their camp to celebrate; all that was there to greet them were the burning husks of their tents, baggage train, and siege weapons. Now unable to conduct a siege, the Rex was forced to turn around, though he and his men retreated slowly, looting and pillaging every town, castle, and farmstead on their return to Krugmar.

Just as the Lord Protector had rallied the Imperial standards and begun preparations to march on Krugmar, a setback occurred. King Adrian of Kaedrin had, for the past four years, since 1728, been waging an undeclared war against the Free City of Llyria—a domain in the west of Almaris that was home to a number of practitioners of dark magic, fantastic creatures, and associates of Iblees. Believing the city to be an affront to God, bands of Kaedreni knights would frequently venture to Llyria to slay its citizens and pillage their homes. This practice would continue until 1732, when the tribes of Fenn and Irrinor, of snow elven and wood elven stock respectively, also set about raiding and looting Llyria for similar reasons as the Kaedreni. At first, an uneasy alliance was formed, and in the Battle of Llyria on the 4th of Sigismund’s End, 1732, a combined Kaedreni, Fennic, and Irrinorian army, led by the Crown Prince of Fenn, the mad cripple Aldred Tundrak, utterly destroyed a hastily-assembled Llyrian army. With no opposition, they marched into the accursed city, setting it ablaze and, according to the court official Dragoven Thodul, salted the fields in its aftermath. However, squabbles soon emerged between the elves and the humans, with both believing that they had the right to claim the former Llyrian territories. A fight broke out, but it was quickly quelled by the senior officers. The two sides struck an agreement to leave the land unoccupied while they returned home. While many assumed this would be the end of any conflict between man and elf, the tribes of Fenn and Irrinor began to complain loudly to the Lord Protector, and upon the outbreak of the Toe War, the two threatened to intervene on the side of Krugmar if the Empire attempted to conquer orcish lands. Not wishing to open up another front in the war, Adrian de Sarkozy and the Sohaer of Haelun’or sent diplomats to Irrinor to try and resolve the situation.

 

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"The Lord Protector"

By the Princess Imperial, Duchess Catherine Anastasia of Westmarch.

Done in a Norlandic-Arichdorfian style as a gift to the Baroness of Arcishdorf, Laurentina von Arichsdorf.

 

Despite this, the Lord Protector had no intention of halting his offensive into Krugmar, and on the 18th of the Sun’s Smile, 1733, the forces of the Empire, consisting of both the Imperial army and all of the vassals of the Empire, marched towards San’Strohk, the capital of Krugmar. Boasting an army around twenty thousand strong, and facing an orcish defense force of only five thousand, the Lord Protector met no resistance as he practiced a similar policy of looting and burning as the orcs had during their attack on Vintas. Fenn and Irrinor, while too far away to fully mobilize and join the defense of Krugmar in time, sent around a thousand warriors each, bolstering the orcish count to seven thousand. The Imperial force finally surrounded San’Strohk on the 29th of Sigismund’s End, 1733, settling in for a long siege. The orcs, having plenty of time to prepare their defenses, now stood before the Empire with a daunting challenge. Described by Sir Eric Crell, a knight in the Lord Protector’s retinue, as "cruel, ugly, brutish, yet utterly practical and effective," the formidable orcish defenses kept the Imperials at bay for many months. This crucial delay allowed the tribes of Fenn and Irrinor to slay the Orenian diplomats sent to meet with them and invade the Silver State of Haelun’or, a longstanding Orenian ally. Overrunning the high elven border defenses, the snow elves and wood elves began pouring into Haelun’or, occupying several small towns and towers. 

At this critical juncture, both King Pierce of Curonia and King Adrian of Kaedrin, hated rivals of the Lord Protector, as these authors established prior, refused to commit their own levies to the defense of Haelun’or. The two kings, believing that their participation in the invasion of Krugmar fulfilled their feudal obligations to the Lord Protector, withheld their substantial reserves from doing battle with the invading elves. The Prince of Rubern went even further, declaring independence from the Empire and claiming that the Lord Protector had no authority over him. Ironically, Adrian de Sarkozy’s strongest ally, King Andrik of Haense, was the one man truly without an army that was able to combat the Fennic-Irrinorian incursion. For being a loyal subject of the Empire, he had committed nearly his entire army to the invasion of Krugmar. Just as it seemed that the Silver State was going to be overrun, another ally of the high elves, King Godric of Norland, a formidable, brave, and unyielding man, intervened. King Godric, very much the son of his father, King Edvard Edvardsson, conducted a masterful campaign against the forces of Fenn and Irrinor, driving them out of Haelun’or at the head of an army half their size. The now Grand Prince of Fenn, Aldred Tundrak, was forced to hire Reiver and dwarven mercenaries in order to halt Godric’s advance, forcing him into a long stalemate.

With a war on two fronts and a brewing insurrection within the Empire, the Lord Protector knew he had to act decisively. On the 15th of Horen’s Calling, 1734, the Imperial army assaulted the beleaguered defenders at San’Strohk. After a bout of intense fighting at the walls of the fortress, the orcish army finally broke and retreated to the main citadel. The Lord Protector called for his trebuchets to be brought forth, which pounded the citadel until later that evening. A second assault, led in person by the Lord Protector and the King of Haense, finally overwhelmed the defenders, and they quickly surrendered. It is reported that here, Leydluk'Raguk, Rex of the Horde, fell during the fighting, though the circumstances of his death are unknown. It was here that Adrian de Sarkozy faced a decision. He could either fully incorporate Krugmar into the Empire, which would pull away desperately-needed soldiers from the front against Fenn and Irrinor, or he could install an orcish Rex, nominally loyal to the Empire, but unlikely to provide substantial support. Not wishing to overstretch his forces and embark on a great administrative undertaking, the Lord Protector chose the latter, and Burbur’Lur, an orc who was known to be friendly to the Empire, was placed as Rex.

With the orcs having submitted, the Lord Protector hastily reorganized his forces and marched to the Irrinor-Fennic front, finally arriving to assist the Norlandic and Haelun’orian forces around the month of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1734. However, with the Empire having been on campaign for the past two years, desertions wracked the Imperials. The Kaedreni and Curonian contingents were recalled to their respective realms, and many soldiers in the Imperial army quickly snuck away to return to their homes. The Lord Protector’s army, which had numbered twenty thousand men at the start of the campaign, had now dwindled down to five thousand after the desertions, deaths, and incapacitations of the past two years. Still, this force was large enough to aid Godric and the Sohaer in pushing into Irrinorian territory, but once again it devolved into a stalemate. With the lines stable, winter setting in, and a deteriorating political situation back home, the Lord Protector decided to return to Helena sometime in early 1735. Having only rarely seen his wife, children, and friends, Adrian de Sarkozy wrote ecstatically about finally being able to return to the capital to see his family. He made promises to his soldiers that, by the time he returned, they would push into Irrinor and Fenn and conquer them both. This promise would go unfulfilled, and this would be the last time Adrian de Sarkozy took the field with his army.

Little is known about what transpired in the Imperial Court and the broader Empire from the winter of 1735 to the winter of 1736, but certain inferences can be made. By early 1737, preparations were being made for the Lord Protector to be crowned as Emperor, this time with little opposition. It seemed that through a combination of bribery, coercion, and regular diplomacy, Adrian de Sarkozy had mostly stabilized the political situation within the Empire, preventing civil war from erupting. Indeed, reinforcements from Curonia and Kaedrin are reported to have joined the offensive against Irrinor and Fenn, suggesting that many of the rifts between them and the central government had been mended.

The Duchess of Adria, Maria Barbanov, provides historians with some of the few first-hand accounts, namely through her letters to her sister, Princess Sophia. These letters reveal both the marital troubles between Adrian and Maria, but also the latter’s undying loyalty to her husband and the Empire she now ruled. Her youthful ambition had not subsided, and when her husband revealed to her that they would soon rule as Emperor and Empress, she became jubilant. She took a leading role in preparing for the coronation, which was set to take place on the 1st of Sigismund’s End, 1737. She detailed a number of plans she wished to implement during her time as Empress, from public works projects to fashion reforms to modifications in legal proceedings. Tragically, much like her husband’s promises to his army, these dreams would go unfulfilled.

Several theories surround the demise of the Lord Protector on the 12th of Harren’s Folly, 1737, and the circumstances of his death lend credence to this. A controversial, iron-fisted man until the end, the prospect of Adrian de Sarkozy becoming the full-fledged Emperor must certainly have been alarming to his many enemies both at court and abroad. Thus, many contemporary and later scholars believe that the Lord Protector’s end was the result of foul play. Another belief, which has cemented itself into legend among the dark elves, asserts that the Lord Protector was visiting Renelia, the home of the dark elves, on a diplomatic and scientific mission. Finding old dark elven texts in an archaic tongue, the Lord Protector is said to have uttered one of these words with perfect pronunciation, causing him to vanish in a beam of light. It is said that, years later, he returned to Arcas in the form of a dark elf, where he became a respected tribal warlord and led his followers in the conquest of an unknown island off of the continent, where he supposedly still resides to this day. 

These theories can safely be discredited, as it is well-documented that the death of the Lord Protector was the result of a lung disease, given his slow, long demise. Unlike the sudden death of Emperor Alexander II, Adrian de Sarkozy had plenty of time to choose a successor. Scouring the Empire for a suitable candidate, the Imperial Council of State finally settled on the thirty-three year old Peter Sigismundic Helane, the eldest son of the former Emperor Antonius. Born in 1704, Peter Sigismundic had been groomed for future succession as the heir of Antonius. The young prince was bright, forward-thinking, and charming. He was one of the more popular children in the court of the Pertinaxi Emperors. However, with the overthrow of his father in 1714 by his uncle Romulus, the Duke of Cascadia, the ten year old Peter was whisked away to Ves by loyalists of his father, fearing what could come of the true heir of Antonius. Raised side-by-side with the young Alexander Stephen, the future Emperor Alexander II, Peter Sigismundic was given a similarly liberal, well-rounded education by Daniel VI and Simon Basrid, who wished for him to one day be Archchancellor of the Empire in order to aid in implementing their reforms. For much of his youthful years, Peter Sigismundic was seen as little more than a minor, if competent, noble and official within Ves, later Kaedrin. In 1734, he married his cousin, Lorena Christiana Cascadia, daughter of his uncle Romulus, in a small ceremony attended solely by the local Kaedreni nobility. By 1737, he was hardly thought of as a candidate for the Imperial throne, as many either feared that he would govern in the likeness of his father or simply did not know about him, but the High Pontiff and Simon Basrid urged the Lord Protector to raise him to the throne. The former believed that, as Emperor, Peter Sigismundic would be able to help implement some liberal reforms and ensure the stability of the Empire. According to The Truth of the Devil from the Sands: The Life of the Wretched Villain Simon Basrid by Stepan de Rosieres, the latter wished to use Peter to install a democracy within Oren. 

By the 26th of the Sun’s Smile, 1737, the preparations had been made for the ascension of Peter Sigismundic to the Imperial throne. As his last act, the dying Lord Protector authored the Instrument of Coronation, which was to be released upon his death. He spent his final days with his friends, family, and finally his ministers, to whom he gave his advice on how to manage the realm’s issues upon his death. Finally, on the 12th of Harren’s Folly, 1737, the Lord Protector was given his last rites. It is said that he entered a state of delirium, as he began to speak to the air, believing it to be the long-deceased Leufroy d’Amaury. Apparently weeping, he apologized to his late friend, and soon he began to feverishly recount the battles that they had fought together for Joseph Marna. Throughout the evening, his voice grew quieter and less coherent, until he gave his last breath five minutes before midnight, passing away.

A week of mourning was declared across the Empire for the deceased Lord Protector, but seven days later, on the 17th of Harren’s Folly, 1737, the coronation of Peter Sigismundic was held in the Basilica of Final Revelation to a great crowd. Raised to the throne as Peter III, Holy Orenian Emperor, this day marked the beginning of the Novellen Dynasty. Some were thankful, believing that the Lord Protector had been a ruthless, dictatorial man who was driving the Empire into ruin. Others were fearful, believing that Peter III’s lineage had doomed him to repeat the mistakes of his father. Most, though, watched with guarded caution. Despite the efforts of Alexander II and Adrian de Sarkozy, the seams of the Empire had continued to split. The Principality of Rubern still maintained its independence, and its defiance was soon followed by the Archduchy of Suffonia. The Horde of Krugmar, led by Rex Burbur’Lur, broke from the Empire, refusing to pay its required tribute and fulfill its military obligations. The war against Irrinor and Fenn continued, where quarreling had broken out between the Haeseni and Norlandic contingents within the allied army. After a particularly large-scale brawl, King Godric of Norland led his men home, and the Sohaer of Haelun’or began to draw back some of his own forces. Both opened lines of communication with the Prince of Rubern, asking what other states, both large and small, across Arcas could be convinced to join a coalition against the Empire. 

However, not all was bleak, for as a looming disaster crept over the Empire, the church’s revitalization had reached its high point.

The unification effort of the Canonist Church pushed by Daniel VI reached its zenith. With the help of many leading ecclesiastical scholars and theologians of the day, the first Codex of Ecclesiastical Law of the Holy Canonist Church (ie. Canon Law), was created. While this may seem like a footnote to the reader, it was the first stance taken by various bishops and priests on what is considered canonical and righteous to believe and follow. It has rules on marriage, obligations of priests and laity, liturgy, coronations, scripture, etc. The mere creation of this sparked such a unified response by the Canonist Church that these authors consider the True Faith to have shed its final roots within the Canonist Church and become its own.

After this astonishing magnum opus that was done by Daniel VI, the Lord decided to bless him with an honor before he passed into the Seven Skies. This event, recorded in both Queen Johanna of Sutica’s Corvinus and in the acclaimed ecclesiastical historia of Bl. Jude II, foretold coming events. As the bells rang across Helena proclaiming the re-founding of the Canonist Church, the cathedral’s doors gave way to a procession of aengulic beings. Awed by the mere sight of it and kneeling in his own humility towards those who came with them, Daniel VI was given the gift of prophecy as Corwin von Alstreim came into the Cathedral. "Holiness is with you, Corwin the Pious!" The High Pontiff spoke boldly and loudly. Corwin von Alstreim rose the High Pontiff from his kneeling and kneeled to the High Pontiff, remarking, "O Gracious Vicar of God, only the Lord himself may not kneel in your presence!" 

As the two marveled as piety and virtue filled the halls of the cathedral as aenguls sang psalms, the Lord spoke through Daniel VI so that Corwin may hear the true words of the Lord:

"Let no one deny your glory and power, for this life you have been raised into is not one deserving that which benefits the ant." King of Kings, Prophet of Prophets, that is what is foretold. You shall bring completion of the Holy Scrolls and lead all in an everlasting house of von Alstreim. Your place beside me in the Sixth Sky as your successors will rule for thousands of years until the Prophet Owyn returns and saves humanity from the hands of the Deceiver."

Corwin’s response was one of humility and honor, "Lord of my Lords, to be a Prophet is to be akin to virtuous Horen, pious Owyn, and just Godfrey. How can a sinner like me take a place? I deny such authority for I should never hope to bear it. I awoke and knew my destiny, let me not stray from it for my own vain glory."

Daniel VI’s voice boomed, "From your humility, your life will be one of friction and pain. But only this life. As I gave to Horen, you shall see me in the Seventh Sky should you live virtuously, piously, and justly. Rise, Corwin. Go to the City-State of Sutica and proclaim God’s wrath on them should they not repent."

Without another word, Corwin kissed the floor in front of Daniel VI then left for the lands of Sutica. Daniel VI, having lived all his life in the service of God, had completed his final task. He went to the Pontifical throne and reposed. As his body sat in the chair, the aenguls sang of his piety, and Archaengul Michael took Daniel VI’s soul into the Fifth Sky.

Both Alexander II and Adrian de Sarkozy faced the task of repairing an Empire that had been thoroughly fractured by war, intrigue, rivalry, and economic collapse. A daunting task for even the most capable of men, it is no surprise that the two ended their respective tenures with mixed results. Emperor Alexander, while competent and able whenever handling affairs of the realm directly, was beset by a number of issues throughout his reign. In difficult times such as these, a unified government is critical, but with a court divided by factional lines, individual vassals acting for their own benefit, and a number of incompetent ministers, Emperor Alexander received little substantial help. Additionally, with his youth came inexperience and uncertainty, and the young Emperor would often defer to the opinions of his ministers when faced with a problem. 

Adrian de Sarkozy faced similar problems, but they stemmed from different circumstances. As one of the vassal lords under Alexander II, Sarkozy was himself embroiled in many of the petty conflicts and feuds that defined much of the Time of Troubles. In his bid for power, he proved himself a competent commander and a cunning politician, but this came at the cost of making a number of enemies, notably King Adrian of Kaedrin, King Pierce of Curonia, and Prince Richard of Rubern. In the face of the Toe War and the subsequent defiance from his vassals, it required an iron will to hold the Empire together, which he successfully did, but he lacked the necessary diplomatic prowess to resolve many of the internal and external tensions the Empire suffered from.

While the Time of Troubles is characterized as something of a dark age, marked by the greatest breakdown in Imperial authority since the collapse of the Sixth Empire and nearly causing the Empire to collapse entirely, it must be noted that undue blame is put on Alexander II and Lord Protector Adrian. Both are demonized by historians, with the former depicted as an absent-minded child utterly unready for rule, and the latter as an ambitious schemer who cared more about accruing power than managing the realm. However, a closer examination into the motivations and actions of these two men show individuals who, despite their flaws, made a valiant effort to overhaul the systems of government and prevent total collapse, which they accomplished. Although the reign of Peter III would prove decisive in the consolidation of the Empire, one must consider if that would have been a possibility were it not for the efforts of his two immediate predecessors.

 

Vale, Alexander II ‘the Leuvian’

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23rd of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1711-3rd of the Sun’s Smile, 1731)

(r. 9th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1725-3rd of the Sun’s Smile, 1731)


 

Vale, Lord Protector Adrian de Sarkozy

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10th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1693-12th of Harren’s Folly, 1737

(r. 3rd of the Sun’s Smile, 1731-12th of Harren’s Folly, 1737)

 

 


O Ágioi Kristoff, Jude kai Pius. Dóste mas gnósi ópos sas ékane o Theós. Poté min afísoume na doúme to skotádi, allá as doúme móno to fos tis sofías kai tis alítheias. O Theós na se evlogeí.


The Rubern War and the reign of Emperor Peter III shall be covered in our next volume of The Decline and Fall of the Holy Orenian Empire.

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