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  1. *before you lays a newly printed tome, its pages crisp from the newly made vellum and parchment....* Kron Eron Da Venekmar Dwedmarrum - The Encyclopedia of Dwarven Language and Grammar -Penned by Ferek Frostbeard, 3rd Edition, 53rd Year of the Second Age- Introduction This tome is the result of my own research over the past few decades into the original texts and recordings of our ancestors. There are many contributors to this text, from Clan Fathers to the average dwed working the tunnels of Urguan. I have dedicated the past half century to compiling and documenting the ever-shifting evolution of our beloved mother tongue, so that dwedmar far into the future might learn of our ways. Physical sources include texts from the Grand Library of Urguan, Sutica, and of the Old Cloud Temple in Arcas. This First Edition covers Grammar, Sentence Structure, and an expanded list of our Dictionary. For those not familiar with the language of the dwed, I shall give a short history. The language of our ancestors has existed since Urguan's time, and has been passed down from generation to generation of dwed. Many words are as ancient as the creation of the world, some are more recent developments. Our language is rarely spoken outside the company of dwed, or beyond the lands of Urguan. Even within the kingdom of our people, our language is mainly relegated to ceremonial purposes, and less as a conversational language. It was not always this way, but the permeation of the common language into our culture is beyond my own control. And now with its ancient, but fairly simple, history having been established, let us dig right into the heart of the subject: Part 1: Grammar -Signifiers- While a root word in the dwed language gives a basic meaning, true of any language, specific meanings are gleaned via the addition of tenses and conjunctions, which I have come to label as "Signifiers" Example 1: Plurality Hefjhor - Bear Hefjhor'mar - Bears (Plural) Example 2: Tense Aina'K'az tira khrum lakh - I work all day (present tense) Yno'K'az tira khrum lakh - I worked all day (past tense) Example 3: Verb Suffix Strol - to walk Strol'geron - walking Aina'K'az strol'geron - I am walking -Table of Tenses- Past: Yno-/Yllor- Present: Aina-/Khirn- Future: Enn-/Ea- Perfect: -Nairon-/-Naerk- Note, Perfect tense is added after the time suffix and before the subject word. The tense of the sentence is set by the subject! Refer again to Example 3 for this. -Pronouns: Personal- I: Tha / K We: Thamar / Ut You: Othok He: Ka She: Lon It: Ek They: Korth -Pronouns: Object- Me: Tha / K Us: Thamar / Ut You: Othok Him: Ka Her: Lon It: Ek Them: Korth Note: Object and Personal pronouns are identical in script, this underlines an important concept in the language of the dwed: word and sentence context is key. What is written is not always what is meant, nor what is meant always as it is written. -Pronouns: Possessive- Prefix: Karen-/Vo-/Yol-/Va- Suffix: -Koss/-Loss-/Edos Examples: My: Vo'Tha, Vo'K Our: Yol'Thamar Your: Othok'koss Her: Lon'edos His: Vo'Ka Their: Korth'Edos Possessive Example 1: "Bjorn's Great-Axe" Subject+Possessive Subject+Adjective+ Adjective Signifier Bjorn'edos (Bjorn's) Kharadun'az'rum (Great Axe) [ Literally: Axe Great ] Possessive Example 2: "That's my Horse!" i + possessive = my (vo'tha) dag yol-mer vo'tha kazz! It appears that choosing to use a prefix or suffix is determined by context and ease of speech. Pronunciation flow is prioritized, thus suffixes and prefixes are used interchangeably. Those well accustomed to the nuances of the language, with enough practice, can read without being confused by the addition of suffixes or prefixes conjoined to a word. -Adjective- Suffix: -mos/-os/-rum Attaching the suffix to a word modifies it as an adjective. It is important to remember that in the language of my people, Nouns are stated before Adjectives. This is to say that the subject (as in, the noun) is stated before any descriptors (the adjective) are written. For example: "Ruvalk Ardoth'os" - Literally translates as "River Red" in common language, whereas in dwed it is interpreted as either "Red Lake" or "Red River", as "ruvalk" refers to both geographic features. The true meaning of the word would be established by it's place and context within an actual sentance. Adjective Example 1: "He is in the Red House" noun - adjective, ('os denotes adjectives, describer of noun) Ka yol-mer nir da gord ardoth'os -Verb- Suffix: -ok/-az The verb suffix MUST be attached to the subject, as well as with the correct time prefix! Verb Example 1: "The Starbreakers Protect the Kal'Varak" Time Prefix + Subject + Verb Suffix , Verb , rest of sentence Da Aina'Kornazkarumm'az akvel da Kal'Varak Verb Example 2: "He will kill the ork" Time Prefix + Subject + Verb Suffix, Verb, rest of sentance Enn'ka'az kavok da orko -Plurality- Suffix: -mar Note, some words in the dwed language, like "ruhn", do not require plural signifiers. These words are far and few between. -Adverbs- Suffix: 'a / 'os The adverb suffix can modify both verbs and adjectives, for example: "Yno'lon'az strol vlokon'a" - she walked quick'ly -Adverbs: A List- Only - Ein'a So - Sva Never - Nuf No - Lare, -are Not - Un Also - Nar'os Thus - Sva Much - Mjok Very - Mjok'a Again - Narhe Always - Enn'va It is important to remember that the common language meaning of a word and the dwed meaning of a word can be multiple. There are many adverbs in common that do not exist in dwed. Overall meaning is, again, derived by the subject and elements of the sentence. Context is key! -Conjunctions- There are many words in the Dwarvern Language that are conjunctions, not including the conjoining of prefixes and suffixes to denote tense or ownership. Many of the prominent clans of Urguan draw their name from the conjunction of two or more separate words. My own clan, for example: Azwyrtrumm -Azwyr, “Frost” or “Ice” -Trumm, “Beard” A fair number of older texts in the dwed language contain conjunctions, whose exact meaning is at times contextual, underlining the importance of the meaning of a sentence and less of the meaning of a specific word when reading texts. For example, the words “River” and “Flood” are both “Ruvalk”, the exact meaning of which is distinguished by the word’s use within a sentence. Part 2: Dictionary The dictionary that comprises of the rest of this tome is sourced, as stated in the introduction, from a great many places. Verbal history, written texts, and studious research has brought me this compiled list of words, which I plan on expanding in the coming years as my research continues. As of this writing, I have discerned the meaning of one thousand words from common to dwed. These shall be listed in the following pages: =A= -ing -uroz -ing -geron a e ability haegr ability haegr able haegra about fra above morred accept tyaga accompany fylgja across drell act kav action kav activity kav actor styrktar add auka addition auka'az address kav'az admit galatok advisor thelur after enn'os afternoon lakhsithar again narhe against kahanir age kez agent styrktar agree kved agreement kved'a ahead fyrir aid ghoran air kaas alchemy gauld alcohol graz alcohol naztrak ale beoir alert bran all khrum allies karrimar allow lata ally karrim alone ein'os along fyrir already adr also nar’os always enn'va am va-mer amount volein ancestor keznol ancient karik and na and nar anger krav anguish azmoroth animal gor another narhe answer svara ant maurr antler eikthyr anvil kadrin anvil kazdorin any vos anyway vosirk appear yfir aqcuire und arch ard- are ath area jorth arena kahros armor klad arrival karnes art ard artist ardrumm ash aska ask aesta assassin dreng atrocity azunnoth attack kahr audience fylgmar author gjorumm authority thrumm'os autumn faetharro available kostr away fram axe az axe kharadun =B= back fraed bad vaador bad vad bag alaek balance unn bane alar bane noril bank kaz'aurok banner vleg bar beorim battle krazdran bay vagr be mer bear hefjhor beard trumm beast -dharok beast gor beat drung beautiful fayr become standa bed hvila before -dekan begin byrja behind liggja believe aetla below yarred best mykthorok bet dar betray ogdaros better thorok'a better thorokian between methal big ahran big ahran bind fjotrr bird kro birth threin black vuur black khorok blackaxe kharadunvuur blaze nook blood ardol blue blar boat wathol body hrae boiler nokri bond baraz book kron born threin both bædir bourbon galraz bow thrimmek bowl bolle bowl kand box fass brave grum bravery parathak brawl nazaig brawl skuf breach kodeh bread brog break nazka bring nighi broad nazad broken losnath brothel belkar brother kronul brow trullki brush strjuka bug maurr build gord building gord bull demm burn karaave burrow undor business bergukli but bar but ur buy taka buyer takarumm =C= cake brog call bjotha campaign erfidà can ovar cannon ithring capture und carcass naktrul carry hunk carve thruz castle kaz'ad cat mew catch kavir cause erfidà cavalry kozzhunki cave mugdor cave skulder cave ulnafer cave umgor cave's folk umgorumm center mithal central mithala century Tigir'kez chain khotha chair nakhimir challenge dar champion az'adar champion baladan chancellor darmag chaos dor charge velannak cheers (drinking) lakh'anym chest fass chicken pul chief thrudol child dwedki choose kjosa city kal’ civilization onor- clan kazamar clan suffix -rumm clasp talok claw krafla clear ljoss clench hjertha clever bran close nerak cloud norkai cluster nozagar coffer trost cold kaldr collar nahibelk colleague barithon come harath comfort salez command velerak common omur companion kompān companion lagsmaðr conditional tense (suffix) -ton/-tok confirm yaerak conquer drung consume guz continent khor’ continue an'kav cook rythja copper izor core derkon corpse naktrul corruption dor cost kostr could sar council nozkron courage parathak cow keed craftsman okri create yemka crow kro crown rulkahd crush drepa crystal krest cult fylgï cunning ok cut skilja =D= danger khatuul dark dharg daughter bedwan day lakh dead haritz death kavir death kraviil decide sja decision sjok declaration sprinthok declare sprintha deep nerroth defeat drung defend verdig describe lendr design galat desolate vlag destiny yehad did ad difficult þungr diminutive suffix -ki/-eki discomfort krovehni discover grond discover nadra disease krut distance drek do kav doctor khailarumm dog hund dog ku domain ankor done ad donkey tharrkhurb doom dor doomforge dorkadrel doomseeker dorgrond door edhekal doorway edhekal dragon drakmar dragon drakna dream draumr drink guz drink drinkir duty anaraan dwarfling dwedki =E= each khrum eagle akueli early ar east kahae eat guz edge thromr effort erfidà empire oramar end yrro enduring karaz enemy kaznok energy atferth energy manok engineer klazrel entrance edhekal establish yemka eternity azamar evening uloondekan except bar exile tagar eye trulliv =F= face andlit fail ljutha faith kirk falcon aklen fall zhuld fallen adzhuld fang fahng fantasy akaneh farewell yankar farm vorn fast vlokon father ka'az fear azhron feast anbekiamar feather fjathr feeble elgram feed guzzen feline mew few ekran field aindar fight skuf fill fylla filth saurr final yrro finally yrr'os find nadra fine thorok finish yrro'ok fire karaad first ein'a fish wurok fishing kavirwurok fist rym flag vleg flash kvark flee vervak flesh ka- flood ruvalk flow yalum flower wyrtfayr fly verok fog thonja follow fylgja food anbek fool wazzock foot fod for yoth foreign yrrok foreigners yrrommar forest hefruth forest's folk hefrumm forever azamar forge kadrel forgeling kadros fort kaz'ad fortress kaz'ad fortune akrak found nadraaz found nadra free lauss friend nak friendship nakaran from narh frost azwyr frostbeard azwyrtrumm fruit idun'fayr **** gailik **** gilthok fur kudelor furnace nokri =G= game leikr garden grunwyrt gate edhekal get und give ind glass gler glory narvak glow glod glow vekaan go fara goat lann gold aurok golem khoren gone haritz good thorok grab talok grand kathaik grand bak grandaxe kathaikaz grape anmar grasp hjertha great az greed derkalimin greed dermin green grob greetings kazahar grim korod grind umur gross kossog ground grun group barel group nozagar grove foetha grow faetha growth faethamos grudge dammaz guard akvel guide akhoral guild barimmar gut rul =H= hair hárr half eintav hall khaz hammer ord hand anar hang haenga have zal/aghar hawk akwah he ka head bak heal khaila healer khailarumm hear makliz heart amoruk heavy þungr hello oz help ghoran her laad here hethra hidden rhadav hide hirtha high az high lord thrummaz him kaad history arkon hit stok hold talok hold tal' hole undo holy kirkja holy yemarin honour anart horn ordul horror azunnoth horse kozz horseman kozzak hot heitr hound hund house gord how ekor however ekorien huge ahran hunt grunga/grung =I= i k i tha ice wyr if kolun important hattr in nir incite etja increase auka individual kav industry nolvar inert narrek information vísindi inn beorim insert guzzen inside nir institution barimmar interest (to take interest) ahygja into nirlak intricate lok ireheart khronammoruk iron khron iron khro ironborn khrothrein irongut khrorul is yol-mer is moredos issue (verb) sprintha it ek its meredos =J= join an'nirlok journal kronotharem journey otharem justice vengryn =K= keep und key lykill kill kavok kill kerr killer kavokuron king thrummaz knight kazhunki knot lykja know vísindi knowledge vísindi =L= lady kvinn lake wunder land jorþ large ahran last yrro late sithar lava boor law anart'khrum lead rik leader rikkin learn vísindund leather kudelek left neeft legend kronos legion arkammar less -avos let don letter talagjora library tal'kron life anym life konym light varekan lightning korraaz limb trullak listen makliz little ekran lizard knut lockbox trost lonely vlag long melkan long ago denkezzan lord rik lord thrumm lose vroth lost vroth love nogazen luck akrak =M= magic lordak maiden lathain maiden vilket major hattr majority hlutr make yemka mane mjor many mengi march velak march veloz market urbaz mason table kaladokvo-nakhum master kronok mate nogaak material efni may sar maybe kna meat ust merchant bergukli mercy zahere metal akash metal ithor might daar mind varak mine mugdor mine thas missile vapna mist thonja moment nukargol money minek money wulthrung monster gorazkhron morning lakhar mother beka mountain agnar mountain's folk agnarumm mouse mús mouth waerod move fara much mjok multitude mengi muscle vothvi music glymja my thas myth akkor mythical harek =N= name daram neck nahi necklace nahibelk negative un' nether kharvul never nûf new deb new cast- night uloon no -are no -vare no lare noble drahgal noble drahzarl north nikaer note fra nothing fra'os nothing olkodran now nu nowhere un'kozrol number volein nut idun =O= oath baraz obligation wulthrung observe dok obsidian orvul occupy skitha of -ram of eron of -'ur'- off nerak offer urbar oil olja old ahld old gorm on nir once ein'ka one ein only ein'a onyx ghal open aarak opportunity kostr opposite un'standa or ov order dverga organization barimmarr out unnir outpost migdhal owl akhl own bezak owner bezak'oss =P= pact khroven pad pad painting fayrfigur pale arakrumm parent ka'az part -trihim partner kompān party fylgï past yzoran pattern vlazeth pave yohokim pay ind pearl gorix'sjor pelt kudelor person kav personal kavaz philosophy rhun pickaxe azarak picture figur pig kerrem place (location) jorth place (verb) setja plains gazan plan rath plant wyrt plateau zorn play leikr player leikrin poem kvaethi poor valathr position vellar positive an' possess bezak potato idungrunos powerful gorm pride anart pride dwak priest kirkden priest kirkjarumm prison clodkul prisoner clod prisoner clodrum prisoner dreg profession (suffix) rumm/-uron/-in professor vísind projectile vapna promise baraz prosper hlytha pull kippa purchase taka pure velukrumm push un'kippa =Q= queen thrumm'lon question etha quick vlokon quiet kyrr =R= race kryum raid ekrazak rare harek rather kreva raven kro raw deb read legtha realm ankor record kron red ardoth region khorekran remember arkon remembrancer arkonrumm resolve (firm determination) einrathn respect akyth respond krull response krullaz response krullok rest tiwaz reveal segja revenge vengryn reverse un'standa reward wulthrung rich aurokmar riddle gata rider kozzhunki right reeth ring khain risk haetha river ruvalk road hohekk rock bokk room vathmar route helmegr rules anart'khrum run hleypa rune ruhn =S= saga arkon sage arkon sand sandr scabbard unrol scale skama sea ahrander sea sjor search grond season arangr seat rúm second taveir'a sect fylgï see ival seed idun seek grond seize und'a select kjosa sell selja seller seljarumm service eklaan set setja shackle fjotrr shadow mhornar shape voxtr sharpen hvetja she lon sheath unrol sheep ardann shelter otemme shield kladian shin agnuk ship wathol short kortr show syna shudder azul sibling dasen sign merki silence hljoth silver thry sing sóngr single ein sink sokkja sister lonul sit nisd size voxtr skill haegr skirmish skuf skull ghal sky korhaz slam nahz slayer dreng slim anligr slow throlon small ekran smash drung smith kadre smoke oronduk snow wyr so sva soldier akvel soldier fægir solitude ein'os some ekran son kadan song sóngr soon anu soul dwedohin sound glymja south evraal southern evraal'os spark zaarka speak tala speak rullok/rullaz spear azk speech talaz spill nad spring wyrsithar stab ladth stability asatâm staff kolol stairs ekrund stairway ekrund stand vellar star kor starbreaker kornazkarumm stark mad tagum start dretta starve stevla stay un'fara steam rjuka steel stailininn stone bokk/gorix stop rhak storm ithrun story draurkon strange harek stream stromez strength rym strike stok strong karaz student vísindundin subgroup fylgï substance efni success frâmi summer solmjok summit kollr sun sol sunset dretuloon surface kollrgrun surrender ekorok survival helron survivalism helron sweat kadull swift vlokon sword raz =T= table nakhum take und talk tala talon kloar tanning rack delokvar task iðja taunt snedtha tavern beorim tax kam teach vísind teacher vísinduron teacher kronetok team øk tell biðja tend gaeta terror azkhron thank you thyokk thanks thyokk that dag the da/ok their korthon there zrol they korth thief agolam thin elgram thirst thyrstr this anek this dak though themun thunder karrzark thus sva time kargol to oz to bow nelaraz today khimlakh tomb grungol tome kron tomorrow ennlakh tongue lid tool makaz top kollr total heill total victory sigrheillos tower yoran town kazid trade urbar trader bergukli trash clabar travel ratath treason ogdar treasure azgoth treat rettr treatment rettr tree haefron tremble azul trial anakrun trust trur truth anoros tunnel umthos tusk orgrum tyranny harthradr =U= ugly aghdek ugly duk undead kavgar under dharg underground dharggrun understand yar'vís union vlak unity tazarak until thoth unveil segja upon ayna urge aeggia us thamar us ut =V= valour annak vampire zangunaz vapor rjuka vein ardohin vengeance vengryn venture haetha verb suffix -ok / -az very mjok'a very myk vessel kand victory sigra view ival vigil dokrum vigilant dokrum village kazid violence skuf vodka valraz voice othr volcano karaagnar =W= walk strol wall vath wander korhelon want keovid war kazak warrior akvel waste nad watch dok watchful dokrum water wuglim water well brunnr waterfall zhuf wave uthr way sirk we ut we thamar weak azul weak ekonum wealth aurokmar weapon medrac wear iraal were ihonlor west wiker whale hvalr what yir where kozrol which yiik whiskers meko whisper kvisa white arakh who rumol why voki will var win sigra wine anraz winter wyrmjok wipe strjuka wisdom kahiv wise gorm with ulro wolf varag woman (dwed) dwedlon wood haefral word venek work tira wound thrag write gjora writer gjorumm =Y= yes yorrek yes yare yesterday yrrolakh yield ekorok you othok you voz young garaz =Special Terms= Dwarves = Dwed / Dwedmar - Khazad / Khazadmar Elves = Elger / Elgus Orcs = Ork / Orkos Humans = Umri / Umros Goblin / Goblins = Grobbi / Grobbins Foreign / Foreigners (Used to denote all those whom/which aren’t Dwarf, Cave Dwarves coined the term.) = Yrrok / Yrrommar Drell - Drell means to form a wide line, spread across the halls to the right and left. Drinni - Drinni means to form a cue-type line. Khrum - Khrum usually means “All” in the abstract terms of all the creations of Yemekar (Grobi, Umgi, Ork, Elger, and Kharajyr [in a way] ) Usually a Dwarf would use this word to refer to the planet, by adding the city prefix (Kal’Khrum), which would also stand for the continent in which the Dwarves stood for that moment. However, there is also a continent, or world prefix (Khor’), but this term emerged after a need to name the several continents discovered, and should be thought of as a contemporaneous term. Tagum - This term means "Stark Raving Mad", used for Dwarves who behave oddly all of a sudden, these dwarves should be terminated swiftly as their disease and behaviour proves pandemic. Vel can also be used to denote “March”, by adding the verb to it. Vel - Vel is used as a command in military aspects, it is the word to commanding Dwarves to form a line or formation, and depending on the word used before it, defines which line is to be formed: -’th - This term, in english, is -’s. =Holy Terms= The Holy Lord (Used in place of Prophet or Seer) = Rikeron'kirkja / Galotokín'kirkja / Kav'Kirkja =Clan Names= Doomforge Dorkadrel Emberhorn Embrummordul Frostbeard Azwyrtrumm Goldhand Aurokanar Grandaxe Kathaikaz Grimgold Korodaurok Ireheart Kravamoruk Irongrinder Khronumurrum Irongut Khorul Metalfist Ithorrym Stormbreaker Ithrunnazkarumm Treebeard Haefrontrumm =Numeration= 1 One = Ein 2 Two = Taveir 3 Three = Prir 4 Four = Fjhornir 5 Five = Fimm 6 Six = Sek 7 Seven = Sefar 8 Eight = Atta 9 Nine = Nihu 10 Ten = Tiu 11 Eleven = Elkiu 12 Twelve = Tolf 13 Thirteen = Vrettan 14 Fourteen = Fjhortan 15 Fifteen = Fimtan 16 Sixteen = Sektan 17 Seventeen = Sefartan 18 Eighteen = Atiatan 19 Nineteen = Nhiatan 20 Twenty = Tuthgan 21 Twenty-one = tuthgan ok Ein 22 Twenty-two = Tuthgan ok Taveir 23 Twenty-three = Tuthgan ok Prir 30 Thirty = Prir tigir 40 Forty = Fjhornir tigir 50 Fifty = Fimm tigir 60 Sixty = Sek tigir 70 Seventy = Sefar tigir 80 Eighty = Atta tigir 90 Ninety = Nihu tigir 100 Hundred = Tiu tigir =Writing and Transliteration= As the astute among you may have noticed, the words written here are all recorded in the common script. You will have also noticed that no dwarven word is actually inscribed or written in said text on any media, be it stone or steel. That is because the mother tongue is written using the runic alphabet, unique among the descendents. These runes have existed since Urguan's time himself, with some variations introduced throughout the centuries. For example, I prefer to use the ahld'rhun, which can be seen adorning this tome. Others prefer the garaz'rhun, but both convey the phonetic information necessary for translation. One of the principal indicators of who is truly versed in the old tongue, and who is merely a passing observer, is how one writes their runes. Take for example the word for tell, "bithja". When spoken, one could write it one of several ways, "bithya" or "bithja" primarily, in the common script. While both of these recordings are phonetically accurate, only one is properly represented in the codex. Any practitioner of the language would be able to accurately determine what the word is and record it's 'proper' common equivalent. Secondly, translating from common to dwedic runes is not so straight-forward either. Take again "bithja", one translating by letter would get ᛒᛁᛏᚺᛃᚨ. The problem with this, is that the true ahld'rhun inscription is ᛒᛁᚦᛃᚨ, where "ᚦ" replaces the "th". Below is a table of ahld'rhun and their equivalent phonetic replacements. c, k, q ᚲ j, y ᛃ v, w ᚹ th ᚦ ae ᛇ =Conclusion= This concludes the Third Edition of my Encyclopedia of the Dwarvern Language. I have spent the past fifty years researching and collecting vernacular knowledge of my dear mother tongue, and this tome is the product of my work. I would like to personally thank Dilvyn Dereval for his editing and assistance with this tome. I would also like to thank the Northern Geographic Society for pointing me to references and encouraging my work on this subject. And finally I would like to thank the Arkonrumm'mar of my people, without whom this book would never have been written. ᛃᛟᛏᚺ ᛞᚨ ᚾᚨᚱᚹᚨᚲ ᛟᛉ ᛞᚨ ᚨᛉᚹᛃᚱᛏᚱᚢᛗᛗ ! *After what feels like an eternity has passed, you close the tome, your mind abuzz with this newfound knowledge. As you peer up from your table, sunlight can be seen shining through a nearby window... wait, wasn't it night when you cracked this book open?*
  2. The Magnum Index "The golden era of academia." 5th of Sun's Smile, 34 S.E. [Click here to access the Magnum Index] As accredited degree programs are becoming increasingly common, so does the scene of formal academics, research, and scholarly literature. Students must cite and refer to other pieces of literature, historians spend countless hours rummaging through documents irrelevant to their studies, and researchers do not have a tool to optimize the discovery of academic articles. The Magnum Index is a proposition which creates an open-source database for all published academic literature, free for scholars throughout the realm to cite. Copies of the Magnum Index will be stored at various libraries, universities, and academic institutions throughout Almaris. It provides ease of access to researchers who want to more easily locate the literature they’re searching for by categorizing published documents by academic discipline and division. The days of rummaging through the forums stacks of old historical documents are over. The golden era of academia is here. All files in the Magnum Index are free for scholars to cite, so long as they credit and cite the original author. Volunteer scribes are working on transcribing foundational academic texts into the appropriate format for the Magnum Index. The objective is to turn this database into the all-encompassing centre for academic literature. The second function which the Magnum Index serves is cataloguing all scholars and displaying their profiles. This is designed to help academics network and collaborate on relevant research projects. If you would like to be listed in the catalogue, please fill out our survey and you will be catalogued promptly. Academic Disciplines If you require a description of the various academic disciplines, please refer to this document. If you wish to submit your own literature to the Magnum Index, you may do so by contacting the database's chief coordinator. ((Liam#7649))
  3. [!] A fresh pamphlet is pinned to the Bramblebury notice board! The Rise and Fall of the Halfling Republic A History of the Halflings from 1786-1818 By Chapter V: How Liberty Dies 1814-1818 To the biggun observer, the decline of the Halfling Republic was not plainly obvious in 1814. Even most halflings were not fully aware of the drama that had been going on between our outgoing Elders, nor of the incidents with Elvenesse. As is our nature, most of us preferred to keep busy with more cheerful things such as birthday parties, tavern-going, and bakery days. While my wife Kerraline and other friends of mine had made me aware of some of the village’s problems, these were all things I thought could be easily remedied, especially once I became a village Elder. It could be argued that one advantage of the three Elder system in the 1806 constitution was that the village was always guaranteed to have three different opinions on every matter. However, as was exemplified by the events of Peregrin-Goodbarrel-Hassenfort years, this was often as much a curse as a blessing, but it did mean that, unlike with the Mayoral elections, a Peregrin running did not automatically exclude everybody else from winning. I knew I at least had a chance in the Election of 1814. ~A Poster Promoting Winter Gardner; 1814~ In the years preceding the 1814 Elder Election, my friend Winter Gardner and I had discussed running for Elder rather frequently Though it was not an official or public partnership, we intended to serve as Elders together, and ran on fairly similar platforms that implied slight support for conservatism when in reality our beliefs were more in line with Goodbarrelian Democracy. After the young Jordan “Jorts” Applebottom, grandson of Sheriff Meemaw Applebotom, and Filibert Applefoot announced their candidacies, both myself and Winter saw it as an absolute imperative that at least one of us made it on to the Council of Elders. Though our rhetoric at the debates, which were moderated by High Pumplar Jeanette Applebottom, was far less dramatic than our thoughts; we did believe that this election was a battle for the village’s very soul. Filibert was a known Bernadist and had never been terribly interested in politics to begin with, James Peregrin tended to speak and act more like his cousin Onelia than his adoptive mother Iris, and Jorts was, in my opinion at least, simply too young and inexperienced to be involved in the government. I didn’t think too much harm could come from one or two of them sitting on the council, but a council composed of the three of them would surely mean the end of the republic. ~A Poster Promoting Jordan Applebottom; 1814~ Despite the unpleasant political climate of the time, the debates were not particularly heated. There was some argument over how the village should move forward in its relationship with Elevenesse, as well as a rather crackpot proposal by Filibert to tear down entire sections of the village in order to make it more compact. In the interest of keeping it all civil, however, little to no discussion was had regarding the issues faced by our predecessors; our solution to the village’s more serious problems was decidedly to avoid them. Though it was not openly discussed, it seems much of the village was aware that the Election of 1814 would be a consequential one, as evident by the fact that it had the largest turnout of any election in Bramblebury’s history. It also proved to be a very close election, which, much like the Sheriff race in 1797, ended up with a tie that had to be broken. Even before I learned anything about what had occurred behind the scenes of this election, I had noticed the somewhat flawed nature of the system. Unlike in the 1797 constitution, where the votes were counted by the Thain who was only allowed to vote in the event of a tie, in Elder elections the votes were counted and ties broken by the outgoing Elders. Aside from the obvious issue that would arise from an Elder running for reelection, the fact that the Elder candidates were closely related to the outgoing Elders meant that, in the event of a tie, nepotism was guaranteed. If a tie had occurred involving me, Kerra would most certainly have tried to break it in my favor. If a tie occurred involving James, Onelia would likely have done the same for him. ~The Bramblebury Elder Debates; 1814~ Of course, what actually happened at the end of the Election of 1814 was far more complicated than that. For reasons I am not entirely sure of, the election was extended nearly half a day, and in the end James and I won while a tie was reached between Filibert and Jordan. I do not know who voted for who, but it seems that Onelia and Kerra did not agree on which of those two candidates should become Elder seeing as they felt the need to bring in High Pumplar Jeanette Applebottom to help break the tie on account of former Elder Isalie Gardner having resigned her office at the beginning of the election. As would be expected, Jeanette broke the tie in favor of her brother, and so the Bramblebury Elder Council was once again composed of a democratic Goodbarrel, a conservative Peregrin, and a halfling not really affiliated with either. Legally speaking, neither the involvement of Jeanette in the vote counting nor the extension of the election was constitutional; but as the “Revolution” of 1806 indicated, laws in Bramblebury were practically meaningless. Wanting to stop any growing discontent in its tracks, our first act upon assuming office was to publish a “clarification” of election rules which would probably be better described as an unconstitutional rewriting of them. It declared that the anomalies of the election that got us into power were “perfectly legal” and also made it so that people were forced to distribute their votes to at least two different candidates, something almost in direct contradiction to the constitution. ~The 1814 Bramblebury Elder Election~ Despite the shaky start of our term, however, the first year of the Goodbarrel-Peregrin-Applebottom Council was a very productive one. After hearing about the way his cousin had treated the office of Elder, I did not particularly trust James at first and was very pleasantly surprised at his ability to cooperate with the rest of the Council. Together we were able to formalize a process for distributing burrows, gain the halflings of Bramblebury free access to Elvenesse’ capital city Amathea, update the job census as well as the laws and traditions, and convince Elvenesse not to levy a coal tax upon our people. If you had asked me what I thought of James and Jordan in those days, I would have spoken quite highly of them. Regardless of what they went on to say and do, under normal circumstances Jordan and James were good Elders. Despite the improved state of our leadership, the problems that hampered the village during the Peregrin-Goodbarrel-Hassenfort years had not gone away. Many improper halflings felt quite unwelcome in Bramblebury, and for many of them the best possible getaway was to join the crew of the Spicy Shrimp, which had been refurbished by Captain Anne Cottonwood Gardner, daughter of former Thain Isalie Gardner and the previous owner of the Shrimp, Taurin Gardner. The bizarre murders that had occured in the early 1810s had yet to be solved; which, combined with Meemaw being generally absent from public life in the village, led to Anne challenging Meemaw for the title of Sheriff. Rather than run against her much younger opponent, Meemaw chose to resign her position and look after her own health. Seeing as nobody came forth to challenge Anne apart from the long-missing and thus ineligible former Sheriff Malfoy Proudfoot, she ran unopposed. Anne needed only be confirmed as Sheriff by a yea/nay vote from the village to become Sheriff. ~The 1815 Bramblebury Sheriff Election~ Though the 1815 Bramblebury Sheriff Election was meant to be a mostly ceremonial one, a whole third of the votes cast were against Anne’s ascension to the office of Sheriff. I was absolutely baffled by the fact that five out of the fifteen halflings who voted would rather have no Sheriff than let Anne take office. Considering the demographic of the people who voted against Anne, I can only assume that it was because she was improper, which, thinking back to when I knew her as a child, would not surprise me. That being said, I still find it plainly ridiculous that properness was so valued by the village conservatives that, in the midst of a literal murder case, they would elect no Sheriff over a very qualified one who happens to be a little improper. If it was so important for a Sheriff to be proper why didn’t they put forth their own candidate? It was asinine, and only added to my growing disdain for the conservatives. ~A Halfling Windmill; early 19th century~ The final straw that pushed me over the edge, however, was the 1816 Bramblebury Fire Department Affair. Upon our ascension to the Council of Elders in 1814; James, Jorts, and I had put resolving the ongoing elections for Chief of the Fire Department Onelia had created during her term on our to-do list. Later, James explained to me that the Bramblebury Fire Department, despite having been created by Onelia during her term as Elder, was under her personal jurisdiction and not that of the Council of Elders, which I assumed was because it was supposedly a private organization. Despite the fact that I believe services such as a fire department should be publicly owned, Kerra and Burt had not signed off on the creation of such an organization, so I agreed with James when he said that we should leave management of it to Onelia, who oversaw the election of Perry Overhill to the title of Fire Chief. Considering it had been established that the Fire Department was a private organization, one can understand my confusion when, on the 1st of Snow’s Maiden 1816, Perry Overhill published Fire Safety Ordinances, which included a series of ridiculous laws (the violation of which have never caused fires before) as well as an absurd system for punishing infractions that included going so far as to tear people’s fireplaces down and force them to write a letter of apology. The Ordinances bore neither the signatures of the 1806 Elder Council nor the 1814 one that I sat on, and were thus illegal. I recall coming home to write a nullification of these illegitimate laws and finding that someone had already put out my fireplace, something that was rather annoying considering it was the middle of the winter and I had no matchbox on hand. ~Bramblebury in the Winter; early 19th century~ Before even going home to write the nullification, however, I looked for James and to get his approval to post it, and found him conversing with Onelia, both of whom acted as if Perry was doing nothing wrong. Apparently I had been incorrect to assume that the Fire Department was a private organization; James and Onelia now insisted that, having been created by an Elder during her term, the Department had full authority to make and enforce laws. Onelia questioned if I was disrespecting her decision regarding the Fire Department, though frankly this was not a matter of respect but legality. Onelia insisted that; since she did not see her co-Elder, my wife Kerra; on the day she was designing the Fire Department, she had full authority to create it without her co-Elder’s approval. As I mentioned last chapter, no such provision was in the constitution. After some useless bickering I eventually got James to agree that we should not condone tearing down rooms and burrows, and I went ahead and posted the missive I had written. I must admit that it was an abuse of power on my part to take James’ words as an approval of an official statement he hadn’t ever read, but my patience with him and his fellow conservative halflings had reached the end of the line. As I should have expected him to, James immediately tore my missive down, and all I could do at that point was go home and brood about it. Though Onelia had been out of office for nearly two years by then, the fact that she and James thought it was perfectly acceptable for an Elder to go behind another’s back and create an entire department of law was horrifying to me. It may seem silly that I got so worked up about a rogue fire brigade, but the implication that an Elder could use the “absence” of their co-Elders to assume the powers of a Thain made me finally realize that Bramblebury was no longer a democracy. Indeed, I suspect the only reason I emerged from the Election of 1814 with more votes than any other candidate is because I had the support of both the Peregrins and the improper halflings, while every other candidate appealed only to a more specific group. Though, as I have alluded to several times throughout this text, the decline of halfling democracy was not the work of one halfling or group alone; when I sent a letter to the village resigning from the title of Elder, I placed the blame for the republic’s backslide partly on the Peregrins and their fellow conservatives and partly on myself. Within hours of this letter going up, my family and I had disappeared from the village, and were not seen again in Bramblebury for nearly two years. ~Inside the Cookie Crumb Bakery; 1815~ I cannot say for certain what happened in my absence. My family’s flight to Norland left us homeless for many months, and it was not long before I began yearning to return to my warm burrow. Being away from the village had given me enough time to reflect and begin forgiving myself, and I eventually began to hear rumors from my fellow halflings that the Peregrins were backing down. Sure enough, when I returned to Bramblebury in Sun’s Smile 1817 I found that Perry had departed the village, and that Onelia had not been seen in public for some time. Though my self-imposed exile was brief, the damage it did was lasting. I had long presented myself as a woman who would always stand against tyranny in any form, and yet, when I discovered that I had been complicit in establishing mob rule in Bramblebury, I fled. With my career more or less in shambles, I decided to publish another letter admitting that I had made a number of errors in my two terms as Elder and my long-time career as a political activist. Being finally weary of politics and too unsure of myself to try and solve the issues of government, I more or less declared that I would not stand in the way of someone trying to take down the current government, something that I am sure caught the attention of a certain Applefoot. ~A New Day in Bramblebury; early 19th century~ I was not the only Elder who became fed up with the position. Just two months after my return to Bramblebury, James published his own letter of resignation, claiming that his family’s presence and influence in the village was unwanted, and that the halflings had gone astray, coming to prefer the company of bigguns to their fellow weefolk. It was hyperbolic to be sure, but James was not wrong in assuming that I, at least, would rather live among bigguns than in a village where properness was enforced by a ruling mob. In many ways, his resignation from Elder and departure from the village marked the end of an era. Though the Peregrins were not all gone, not from the village and certainly not from the world, their influence had diminished drastically. Much like a royal dynasty, their once great line faltered as each successor failed to live up to the greatness of the first. Iris had done everything in her power to prove that properness could be fun and healthy for her fellow halflings, but the heavy-handed methods used by a small number of her friends and supporters to spread this message tarnished her family’s legacy. The conservatives who yearned to go back to the glory days of Willow Hollow seemed to have forgotten that the Elder-system had failed before, and those who forget the mistakes of the past are doomed to repeat them. But what of the present? Ever since the “Revolution” of 1806, the Peregrins were the republic. With their influence gone and mine severely diminished, the government looked like a sickly beast that needed to be put out of its misery. Though James attempted to appoint Filibert Elder in his place, this was unconstitutional and it was not upheld by Jorts, the last remaining Elder of Bramblebury. I cannot imagine what it must have been like to be in that young lad’s position, trying to hold a village together as its government came collapsing down around him. What I can say, however, is that he took the course of action that would be expected of any sane person; which was to hand off this immense responsibility to someone else at the first opportunity. ~Rolladango’s Return; 1818~ I cannot say I know exactly what happened during the opening days of the Grand Harvest, 1818, seeing as, for the first time in decades, I was not in the room when a major decision about the future of Bramblebury was made. It seems, at some point following the resignation of James, Rolladango Applefoot turned up in Bramblebury babbling about having been selected by Knox to save the village from its destruction by becoming Thain. It was rather quickly decided by Jorts and Jeanette that Rolladango should assume this “Knox-sanctioned” position. Despite the illegality of doing so, the constitution was totally nullified, and all power over the village was returned directly to a single, unelected Thain. Just like that, without any ceremony, celebration, or resistance; everything I had worked for in the past thirty years, everything the Peregrins had pursued in the past twenty-six; all of it was undone. As had happened in Dunshire of old, a bloodless coup brought an end to the Elder system. After 21 years, the Halfling Revolution was over. Though I did not and do not ever have any intention of protesting Rolladango’s Thainship, I was nevertheless sorely disappointed by what was put into the new constitution, which was called a “leadership charter” because apparently “constitution” is a dirty word now. The separation of church and state I had established in both the 1797 Constitution and the 1806 one was destroyed; with the Thain now being required to be a worshipper of Knox. The High Pumplar now had official authorities within the government, and only position that was kept elected was the ultimately unimportant one of Sheriff. Elders remained, but like before they were now appointed by the Thain and could be removed for being improper. This new government was based on the ramblings of a madman and the desires of an invisible pumpkin lord, not the will of the people nor the wisdom of worldly leaders. Yet, it was met with nearly universal praise. It was believed that, with Rolladango’s ascension to the Thainship, the divisions within Bramblebury could begin to mend, though I would argue that our society’s wounds have been hidden rather than healed. Should someone once again come along thinking it would be a good idea to return the glory of the ancient villages and do away with the Thainship, I’d imagine that we’d simply see everything I have described happen all over again. ~A Gathering of Weefolk; 1818~ That is why, after everything that has happened, I do not feel that my “experiment” was for nothing. In these volumes I have written a full account of it, including all of my thoughts and, to the best of my ability, those of the other people involved. The point of an experiment is not necessarily to succeed but to learn, and as long as our descendants have this text to look back to, I will have succeeded in uncovering a number of very important lessons about the nature of halflings and democracy. Truthfully, I do not believe what occurred in Bramblebury is proof that democracy cannot work in any society. I have never once claimed that democracy is perfect; in fact, I’d be willing to concede that it is the worst form of government; apart from all the other ones that have been tried. The story of the Halfling Republic is not a story of failure caused by democracy but rather the story of a democracy failing. So many of the ills that were blamed on our democracy would perhaps have been better blamed on things such as mob rule, polarization, extreme traditionalism, and political apathy; some of these are things that could have been prevented entirely, while others are natural things that all democracies have to overcome but we mishandled. ~Knoxmas; 1798~ It is very easy to conflate democracy with mob rule; both center around the government being heavily influenced by the people. The difference is that the former is held in balance by laws and compromise while the latter is dictated only by the will of the majority. When I created our constitutions, I did not understand the dangers of mob rule nor did I have as much as a respect for laws as I do now. I understand as well as any halfling that laws are pesky things; some laws, such as those in Haelun’or and Oren are unjust and oppressive and many seem just too stupid or inconvenient to follow, but a free government cannot function without just laws. Too often did I ignore my own laws in order to placate the people. I did not have the strength or will to say no to the mob and risk further strife; that is why it was able to take over. Polarization is a plague that affects nearly every democracy at some point or another. People feel far more comfortable and secure when associating with people they agree with. Halflings especially like to avoid conflict or debate, something that ironically contributed to the informal party system which I described in Chapter III. Each side felt more comfortable around their own, and began to mistrust the others. This brought us to a point in the 1810s where it seemed the propers and the impropers didn’t even live in the same universe, let alone the same village. I am as guilty of this tribal, intransigent behavior as everyone else is, even if I tried to seek compromise in earlier years. Though polarization may not be avoidable, it is far less dangerous in a society governed by laws rather than the masses. In that sort of society, compromise is required; one cannot get their way simply by crying loud enough. ~The Mayoral Debate; 1805~ Traditionalism is not something exclusive to the Peregrins or the villages they lived in. Halflings are, by nature, traditional creatures; something that I was never willing to accept until now. I will always disagree with the notion that properness and law should be one in the same but I no longer think myself capable of changing minds on the matter. Perhaps, in the far future, halfling society may reach that point, but for now I would say attempting to create another Halfling Republic is inadvisable. A democracy requires the people to be respectful of the law, forward thinking, and educated; those are unfortunately not terms that describe halflings particularly well. While I was living in Haelun’or I was told more than once that I was too smart to be a halfling. Though I wouldn't deign to consider myself above the rest of my people, I do think it is worth acknowledging that my way of thinking about things is quite different than the average halfling. I tried my best to change minds for the better and improve our society, but it was a task too tall for one lady. Looking back, I sometimes question if even I cared about this revolution or just wanted to prove something about myself. Even if I did, the number of halflings truly interested in democracy has never been great. For the Peregrins, it was but a small aspect of a larger agenda that involved restoring halfling tradition, and ultimately that goal took precedence over it for some of them. For Isalie, democracy was something I had sold to her, and it came about only because she trusted me, and died for the same reason. Ultimately, however, the vast majority of the village simply did not care about democracy. This was something I had known all along, and never once did I consider that a government of, by, and for the people cannot function if the people are apathetic towards it. Nobody in the village asked me to start a revolution, create a republic, or bring democracy to them. By the end, democracy was little more than an inconvenience, so the people did not care when it was taken from them, nor did they care the countless times I and others trod upon it with our unconstitutional acts. I now recall something I said many years ago: “you cannot free a people who will not free themselves.” ~Consulting the Thain; 1794~ In writing this account of the Rise and Fall of the Halfling Republic, I have also told the story of over thirty years of my life. With all the blood, sweat, and tears I put into my political work, I suppose the time has come to question what it was all for. When I started, it wasn’t all about creating a perfect society. It was about finding something to do with my life, about proving that I was worth more than the housewife I was raised to be. I suppose, to that end, I have succeeded, but it is a selfish goal, the completion of which does not provide me with satisfaction; that is why I wrote this series. My efforts to create a more perfect village may have failed, but as has been so often said by the wise, failure is a fantastic way of learning. I may be too old to apply the wisdom I gained from my experiences, but I can at least preserve it for others to gain from. It is my hope that, even if my name is forgotten by future generations, this story is not. Though values and beliefs will always grow old and be replaced with better ones, the lessons of the past are timeless.
  4. [!] A fresh pamphlet is pinned to the Bramblebury notice board! The Rise and Fall of the Halfling Republic A History of the Halflings from 1786-1818 By Chapter II: Turbulent Tmes 1787-1791 The Brandybrook of the late 1780s was a busier place than it had been in the previous half of the decade. Despite my informal retirement from politics, the idea of making changes to the halfling government never really went away. Though not a good one, the speech I had given at my wedding had been earned me something of a reputation, and though the rest of the Halfling Liberty Association dissolved, Minto Townsend remained determined to carry on my “struggle”; which, in his mind, meant putting out a missive claiming responsibility for radicalizing the HLA, rudely disobeying Isalie at every turn, and harassing her family. If nothing else, the village seemed to come more alive following the events of my wedding, due in no small part to the organization of more parties and harvest events by my then-husband Filibert Applefoot and his tavern co-worker, Dandelion Greenholm. Anyone interested in the day-to-day goings on of late Brandybrook should seek out old copies of the Beetroot News, which was published yearly by Filibert. Though it was largely a tabloid at first, putting out embarrassing stories and infringing on the privacy of village leaders such as Elder Kit-Kat and Thain Isalie Gardner, in its later years it was a quaint little newspaper of sorts, documenting mostly mundane events in the village. ~Cheesemaking with the Greenholms; 1788~ Two events detailed in Beetroot News that were not so mundane, however, were the Battles at Last Light Camp in Korvassa. At a meeting in Snow’s Maiden 1786, Isalie had pledged the halflings’ support to Prince Feanor of Elvenesse in the war against the inferi. Though I cannot know for a fact why Isalie felt we should be involved in the battles, I can at least note that many in Brandybrook felt that resisting the inferi was everyone’s duty; not just that of the bigguns; besides, the Sea Prince had asked politely. ~Isalie’s Pledge; 1786~ Halflings served as medics during the inferi raid on Siramenor in First Seed 1786 but it was only in the First Seed and Grand Harvest of 1788 that we were actually sent to fight in two battles in Korvassa. At these battles, the halflings were essentially an auxiliary force to the army of Elevenesse. Though some of us, most notably the Oceantoe brothers and Minto, chose to fight, most of us, myself included, were there to provide medical assistance to anyone who needed it. Anybody looking for an accurate account of the battles should seek out a volume written by Armilas Draconis, a high elf who fought on the front lines of the battle and even witnessed some its more consequential events firsthand. From my rather vague recollection, the goal of these operations was to defend the allied bigguns’ camp at Last Light. Considering that much more stood between the inferi and Brandybrook than just that camp, it may be easy for one with hindsight to question why halflings had any business being there. I can only speak for myself, but I do recall feeling a sense of duty to the village as well as a desire to contribute to the defense of Arcas as a whole. While I can’t say I or anyone was excited to go to war, I don’t think most of us were prepared for what we would find. ~Halfling Medics at Korvassa; 1787~ I recall the sights and sounds of those two terrible days far better than I have any desire to. Everyone in the village was given armor forged by the elves, we gathered medical supplies and weapons, some of which would definitely have been considered improper by Peregrin standards. We were then put on boats and sailed to what would be best described as a colony of hell. While I do not wish to write what exactly I saw on Korvassa, I will say that it has never left me, not even after thirty years. Having discovered I was pregnant later that month, I had to be persuaded to go to the next battle, and it was even more horrific and deadly than the first. I was nowhere near the site where it happened, but it was at that second battle that Elder Kit-Kat Gardner, the adopted daughter of Isalie, was slain by a horde of inferi. Though the aging Fred Puddlefoot had also given his life at the previous battle, it was the death of Kit-Kat that truly shocked the village. She died at an immensely young age, having only turned thirty-three a few short years prior. Her boyfriend Elder Andon Cloudberry had been robbed of his chance to propose to her, and her mother had lost a second child within the span of a decade. I had hardly known Kit-Kat, but I shared in the grief that engulfed the village in the following days. ~Kit-Kat Faces the Horde; 1787~ If nothing else, the Battles at Last Light Camp served as harrowing reminders that most halflings don't belong on the battlefield. Following Kit-Kat’s death, Isalie decreed that no resident of Brandybrook was to fight demons outside the village, a decision protested only by Minto. Even though we did not go again to the demons, however, they eventually came to us - or at least to Aegrothond. On the 22nd of the Grand Harvest, 1788, the village was enjoying a peaceful bonfire when suddenly the air was filled with terrifying sights and sounds of a demon invasion. The Thain called for the immediate evacuation of the village to the emergency tunnels, an order disobeyed only by Minto. Despite the terror of our community and its protectors being under siege, we were still able to enjoy a few laughs and a fine party in the tunnels beneath the village. That was until Filibert managed to get into a fight with Isalie after demanding to be restored to the title of Sheriff. Though I was unable to calm him down, I do think Isalie took note of my efforts, and was likely impressed with my lack of hostility towards her as she pledged to make changes to the village government following the end of the demon crisis. Though I did not know it at the time, Isalie was about to give me an unprecedented amount of influence over the village’s future. ~A Family Takes Shelter; 1788~ The first hint of this new partnership between myself and Isalie came on the 6th of the Amber Cold, 1788, when Isalie appointed me Elder. This decision raised a few eyebrows, considering that I had spoken against Isalie less than two years prior, and had only been living in the village for a little over three. Nevertheless, the resignation of Falco Goldworthy and the death of Kit-Kat had left the village one Elder short, and I was, in Isalie’s mind, undoubtedly the most qualified person to assume the office. She praised my dedication to the village and my good ideas, asking only that I trust her, and I have ever since. Aside from my appointment to Elder, the months following the Siege of Aegrothond were mostly gloomy. The air was thick with the disgusting smell of blood, and many spoke of the impending doom of Arcas and the likelihood that we would soon have to leave our beloved village. Isalie’s husband Taurin and the ghost of Sean Puddlefoot went so far as to rig the village with bombkins, pumpkins filled with gunpowder, so that in the event of an attack we could destroy our village before the demons could, and kill a few of them in the process. This was the last major contribution made by Taurin to Brandybrook before he left the village, leaving behind his wife and daughter as well. ~The Ghost of Sean Puddlefoot; 1787~ Despite the growing darkness of the times, the years between 1787 and 1789 actually saw quite a few new and important halflings arrive in the village such as Bassett Mudfoot; Meadow Proudfoot; Rufus Knowise; future High Pumplar Jeneatte Applebottom; future Head Librarian Callum Fiddleberry; my future wife and future Elder Kerraline Erawick; and Winter, sister of the late Kit-Kat, then in disguise and known as “Summer". Even though the impending doom of Arcas was felt within the village long beforehand, the actual fall of Brandybrook itself was still quite shocking, mainly because nobody expected it would happen in the middle of a party. On the 20th of the Grand Harvest, 1789, a great Knox o’ Ween feast was hosted by Burt Hassenfort, son of the late and great halfling hero Benedict Hassenfort. It was a fun celebration, including all manner of games and festivities. Aside from some minor disturbances caused by Minto wearing a mask that resembled my face, the party went splendidly until the pumpkin carving. ~The Knox o’ Ween Costume Contest; 1789~ For reasons I am still wholly unsure of, one of the uncarved pumpkins began to inflate and float in the air as if possessed by some unseen force. It expanded to the size of a small burrow and began spewing acidic pumpkin guts at the party-goers. Despite our calls for aid from Elevenesse and attempts by some bigguns to fight the monster, we were eventually left with no choice but to detonate the bombkins, destroying that demonic pumpkin and our village along with it. The only explanation we received of any of this came from the cryptic words of a pumpkin-wearing apparition claiming to be Lord Knox. ~Attack of the Giant Pumpkin; 1789~ With the evacuation of the entire village onto the Spicy Shrimp, the halfling crises of late Arcas truly began. Our people had very suddenly been rendered homeless and crammed on to an old pirate ship. The months we spent at sea drove many of us to slight insanity, and the question of where to go was divisive. The rulers of Elvenesse and other biggun nations had been discussing the possibility of sailing to a new continent for quite some time, but nobody was quite sure when such a migration would occur. Many, myself and Isalie included, believed that it would occur soon enough that we only needed to seek temporary accommodations somewhere. Others, such as Filibert, were convinced that a world migration would not be occurring for quite some time, and that we needed to resettle Brandybrook or at least build a new village elsewhere. ~The Ruin of Brandybrook; 1789~ Unfortunately, that debate proved to be the first of many times where Isalie’s trust in my wisdom was misplaced. Filibert was right; Arcas would not be evacuated for another seven years, but Isalie nevertheless decided to arrange a temporary home for the halflings at Fort Hope, a dreary castle resting on an island north of Sutica. Though it was good to walk on solid land once more, in some ways, the move to Fort Hope in Snow’s Maiden 1790 only made life for the halflings worse. Since Fort Hope was meant to be a temporary establishment, Isalie had no plans of building burrows, and instead arranged for us all to be housed in the barracks. Filibert almost immediately protested this and found himself annoyed with the Fortkeepers’ unwillingness to let him tear down the walls and build burrows, to the point where he simply walked out of Fort Hope to have his project elsewhere, leaving me and our daughter behind. As both myself and Isalie dealt with our own familial issues and Andon continued to mourn Kit-Kat, the halfling community at Fort Hope fell into further disrepair. There was no feasting or partying between 1790 and 1792, and drinking and smoking were more often used as escape methods than pleasurable pastimes. All this was made even worse in Snow’s Maiden 1791, when an attack on Andon revealed the existence of a conspiracy to assassinate the halfling leadership. Andon, myself, Isalie and her family had all been marked for death, and these assassins claimed the credit for killing Kit-Kat and Polo too, even though both of their deaths had occurred long before I was ever close enough to the Gardners to be put on a hit list with them. ~Halflings Drown Their Sorrows; 1791~ The added uneasiness of being under threat from assassins was made only worse for some by the fact that both myself and Andon felt it necessary to carry bladed weapons to protect ourselves. Some more traditional halflings began to say that our people were losing our cultural identity by cheerlessly cowering behind stone walls and bearing biggun weapons. Though I stand firm in my belief that the manner in which myself and Andon were acting was reasonable given the circumstances, it was nevertheless a terrible time to be a halfling. Many longed for the brighter days of the past, and it was this longing that would form the basis of a new movement, one that overshadowed mine in every imaginable way. It was the perfect opportunity for a long-forgotten family to return and leave an irreversible mark on our nation's history; the age of the Peregrins was at hand...
  5. [!] A fresh pamphlet is pinned to the Bramblebury notice board! The Rise and Fall of the Halfling Republic A History of the Halflings from 1786-1818 By Chapter I: The Birth of a Revolution 1786-1787 It should go without saying that the world of 1786 was a very different place. The continent of Almaris was all but untouched and the lands of Arcas were crawling with every civilized being imaginable. The biggun nations of the world were all in an uproar as vile inferi ravaged the islands of Korvassa and threatened to pave their path of death and destruction to every corner of the continent. Though all the chaos and strife of these years may seem foreign to those living in a more peaceful present, perhaps in some ways 1786 was no different than any other year in history: it was the best of times for some and the worst for others. For the halflings of Brandybrook, however, 1786 was simply a sleepy year. Though only water stood between Elvenesse’s capital city of Aegrothond and the demon-ravaged deserts of Korvassa, and only a small forest between Brandybrook and Aegrothond, the fear and despair that gripped the biggun nations was all but absent in Brandybrook. Perhaps we simply trusted in the ability of Elvenesse to protect us, but I think it far more likely that we were simply ignoring it; a natural halfling response to biggun drama of any kind - drink and party and leave worrying about the end of the world to the bigguns. ~Brandybrook’s Riverside; mid 18th century~ As idyllic as this image of late Brandybrook is, the village was not without its problems. The resignation and disappearance of Malfoy Proudfoot in the years prior had left the village without a Sheriff, something that proved to be a serious problem following the murder of the young Polo Gardner, son of Thain Isalie Gardner; the appointed leader of our village, and her then-husband Taurin. Only the informal crime-investigating organization known as BOOSE, run by noted improper halfling Sean Puddlefoot, who died as well soon after, was available to hunt down and bring the culprit, Kat Comb Applefoot, to justice. Even following Kat Comb’s death, however, a feeling of dysfunction lingered in the air around Brandybrook. Halflings were seldom seen walking about the village, gathering only during tavern nights run by local librarian and journalist Filibert Applefoot. Many newcomers went without burrows as Elders Falco Goldworthy and Kit-Kat Gardner, both appointed by Isalie as was the system at the time, devoted themselves to other matters. Isalie herself was rarely seen, likely still recovering from the loss of one of her children. ~The Funeral of Polo Gardner; 1783~ Even during the times the entire village seemed to be empty, however, there was almost always one lone halfling lady sitting in the Toady Traveller Inn, intently scratching her quill across a long roll of parchment. Though she had dwelt in the village for not even a year, I personally knew her quite well; her name was Greta Goodbarrel. Though the story of how I ended up in Brandybrook is best saved for a book of its own, I do think a brief summary of it would lend itself well to this tale. I was born in 1739 in the secluded village of Norbury. Being on the doorstep of the Holy Orenian Empire, it was a village heavily influenced in speech and custom by humans. It was, by Brandybrook standards, quite improper, and the worst aspect of this was, without a doubt, the bizarre religion of Knoxo-Canonism; which merged the halfling deity of Knox with the teachings of Canonist Church. Though Norbury elected its Elders, only male halflings were allowed to serve, and the Greenfoot family, into which my mother was born, had nearly uncontested control of every election there. My father was not from Norbury, but for the most part he integrated himself into its culture. I was raised a Knoxo-Canonist, expected by my mother to marry into a wealthy family and have no relationships outside of that; especially not with any women. It was only because of my father’s love of books and willingness to teach that I learned to read and write. When I turned forty-three, I left Norbury and soon found myself in Lareh’thilln, the Silver City, the capital of Haelun’or in Arcas. There I brushed shoulders with several high elven scholars, including Maenor Aildhuin, Aiera Sullas, Valorin Celia’thilln and Khaeryr Leverys. Though I stayed there for less than three years, it was in Haelun’or that I would study the ideas of democratic government and natural rights, which I would carry with me to Brandybrook in 1785. ~A Night in the Toady Traveller; 1785~ I did not arrive in Brandybrook with any political intentions, however. The old life I had in Haelun’or had been thrown away rather hastily, and I came to Brandybrook in search of something, anything to do with myself. It was only after hearing the complaints of halflings such Filibert Applefoot and Minto Townsend with regards to Brandybrook’s leadership that I took it upon myself to change the village for the better. Admittedly, I knew even then that the petty problems mentioned by Filibert and Minto could be solved without the radical changes to village society I had in mind. Most of what I would say and do in the following years was necessary only in my mind. Even I can’t say what exactly I was trying to prove by conducting this great experiment, but I put every ounce of my being into it, and did truly believe that it would all be of benefit to the village. But what exactly did I believe? As many I am sure have noticed, my views on what a halfling government should look like seem to change every decade. Indeed, the proposed constitution I penned in 1786 was far more complex and bureaucratic than any that was actually put into effect. It was, in essence, a copy of Haelun’or’s constitution at the time, but without any of the nonsense about purity. It provided for an unelected Thain and an elected Council of Elders led by a Mayor. I recall being warned at the time that these were “biggun ideas”, and would be rejected by the village, but I ignored such notions. I have never personally considered an idea to be “biggun” or “halfling”, there are simply good ones and bad ones. Though the precise details of what I considered to be a good form of government for the halflings would change many times in the following years, I have always held to heart the same three fundamental and self-evident truths; that all halflings are born free and equal, that all halflings are born with the natural rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; and that the right to rule comes only from the people, not from Knox or any other elite figure or group. Though a number of manifestos and speeches of mine have over-complicated it, that is ultimately what Goodbarrelian Democracy means, and it's those things which I held to be essential to any sort of halfling constitution. ~A Supper Party at Greenholm Burrow; 1786~ Putting ideas on paper is one thing, however; putting them into action is something entirely different. I decided early on that my goal was not to remove Isalie from power. Despite the harshness with which Minto and Filibert described her, it was my firm belief that anybody could be made to compromise, and I knew that a compromise would be essential to maintaining stability. Besides, the village had been led by an appointed Thain since the time of Rollo Applefoot. That was not a tradition I intended on breaking. All the same, it seemed unrealistic and undemocratic to just send my plan to Isalie and expect her to approve it. I needed the people of the village to be on my side. Unfortunately, getting the village on my side was something I was never truly able to do at any point in my career. I interviewed many people in the village, but most seemed uninterested in revolution. The only person who really took my ideas seriously at the time was Minto, who co-founded the Halfling Liberty Association with me on the evening of the 1st of the Grand Harvest, 1786. Though we were able to persuade Andon Cloudberry, Theodore Mowood, and Filibert Applefoot to join the HLA, each had their own shortcomings. Andon joined only out of peer pressure, and worried often that our actions would harm offend his girlfriend, Kit-Kat, who was also the adopted daughter of Isalie. Theo joined mostly out of self-interest, hoping his involvement would provide him an opportunity to become Sheriff. As for Filibert, he likely joined only to get closer to me; judging by the fact that he ended up asking me to become his girlfriend the very same night. Considering I had no intentions to overthrow the Thain, one might wonder why the HLA existed. Its purpose was ultimately quite simple; it was a group of halflings who had agreed to sign the letter of petition and proposed constitution that I was planning to send to Isalie. In the event Isalie rejected these proposals, we would then stage protests, the nature of which I never really thought out, mostly because I never had to. In the closing days of the Deep Cold, 1786, I mentioned to Filibert that I needed an event that would draw a large crowd in order to give a speech. Having planned to do so anyway, he proposed we get married, and that I would give the speech at our wedding. As stupid as this plan was, I agreed to it; I needed to get my voice out there, and could think of no easier way to do so. ~The Goodbarrel-Applefoot Wedding; 1787~ Unfortunately, it just so happened that this proposal coincided with a declaration by Isalie that Andon and Filibert had been appointed Elder and Sheriff respectively. Minto, who did not think very highly of Isalie, was quick to jump to conclusions and posited that Isalie had somehow found out about the supposedly secret HLA and was trying to placate us or diminish the size of the organization. Indeed, Andon left the HLA soon after being appointed, and the notion that Isalie had found out about our organization did not seem too far fetched considering the Warden, a local elf who protected the village and had eyes for Isalie, had been privy to some of our meetings. Not knowing Isalie at all, I took Minto’s theory as fact and rewrote the speech I would give at my wedding to be far more scathing of Isalie and her Elders. I must say, when I woke up on the morning of the 20th of Snow's Maiden, 1787, I did not expect to be nearly killed at my own wedding. I did, admittedly, intend to inspire some anger, but certainly not to the point of people drawing swords on me. Were it not for the brave actions of Minto, Anne Gardner, and my then-husband Filibert, I may not have lived to tell this tale, let alone accomplish anything I did in the years following. In hindsight, the occurrences of that day were rather amusing in their absurdity. I was almost stabbed by Edward Oceantoe, the very halfling who officiated that marriage, and I made my introduction to Isalie, someone who would become a very dear friend of mine in the future, by calling her a tyrant. The entire thing was viewed by the village as a political stunt, and given how quickly Filibert and I had hooked up, many were willing to bet that the marriage would end within the next five years. That was not the only reason this wedding was prophetic, however, as it also gave quite a bit of insight as to what can happen when halflings get too political. Unfortunately, that is a lesson I did not take to heart. ~The Goodbarrel Wedding Speech; 1787~ Considering that we had never spoken prior to that wedding, Isalie was rather shocked by what I said about her. Fearing a conspiracy against her, she dismissed Filibert from the position of Sheriff and marched almost immediately to Applefoot Burrow to settle the score with me. Thankfully, we were able to explain ourselves to each other, and she agreed to at least have a look at the letter of petition and constitution I had written. I published these documents to the Brandybrook notice board as well, along with a letter apologizing for the incidents of my wedding. Though I was forgiven for the riot, nobody was persuaded to support my bid for democracy, in fact the drama was enough to convince Theo to leave the HLA, which I promptly dissolved as more and more people made public their complaints about me trying to impose “biggun ideas” on a halfling village. Nevertheless, for a time after 1787, the revolution was in Isalie’s hands, not mine, and I did not make any major publications during those years aside from the odd news article, focusing instead on starting a family with Filibert. Though my early attempts at political mobilization may have accomplished little in the short term, they certainly set the stage for the series of halfling revolutions that would follow. I don’t think anybody at the time could possibly have predicted how all of this would turn out, especially considering that some of the most important figures in this story had yet to arrive. All the same, the warnings that this “experiment” of mine could go horribly wrong were present from the very beginning. I may have been the first to ignore them, but I was certainly not the only one. It would take far more than just one rambling little lady to change the course of halfling history...
  6. Of Freedom and Progress: The Life and Death of the Haelun’orian Republic A Comprehensive Historical Study by Maenor Aildhuin Printed in Karosgrad on the 3rd of the Grand Harvest, 1810 (( Theme Music )) _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ [!] Painting of Karinah’siol, cca. 1800 _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Author’s Note Having lasted for 32 years, and although brief in its existence, the Republic of Haelun’or left distinguishable marks in the history and culture of the Mali’thill. It is this book’s attempt to recollect many of the events that have graced the Republic's short historical time span, lest such a fascinating epoch be forgotten. Despite its falling, the core ideas for its functioning are still adhered to by many. In a sense, while the structural integrity of the Republic ended with the legislation adopted in 1804, it still endures through those few that cling to its ideals of freedom, equality and progress. In many aspects, the Republic is Eternal. I. The Maheral Simply Is _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ [!] Artistic rendition of the protest following Maheral Azorella’s assassination, 1768 _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ To understand the evolution of the Haelun’orian Republic one must first inspect the years prior to its conception. By 1760, the governmental apparatus of the Diarchy was reeking with corruption, nepotism and stagnation. The very structure of this regime, which by this point was almost a century old, was beginning to rot. Then, as now, the High Elves did not possess the right to vote and elect their representatives, all of them being chosen directly by the ruling Silver Council. Simultaneously, the system crushed all dissent with an iron fist and made extensive use of propaganda to control public opinion. But dissatisfaction, over the years, built up within the society nonetheless. And, as it is often the case with oligarchical structures, the leadership utterly failed in recognizing this ever-growing problem. In the late 1760s, the society of Haelun’or would witness an increasing struggle between the Maheral and the Sohaer in attaining dominance over the Silver Council. Attempts were made, in secret, primarily by Sulraell Visaj, the Sohaer, at modifying the law to vest more power into his own position. His ploys would be revealed, however, and the changes reverted. But for about a year, the enmity would continue. It would all culminate with a plot by the Silver Council to assassinate Maheral Azorella Elibar’acal. Thus, Maheral Elibar’acal would find her demise in 1768 when, in the Citadel, one by the name Adeline would be unleashed upon her, the councilors, while in the same room, idly witnessing the fruits of their labor. Chance had it that, at that very same moment, a storm forced much of Lareh’thilln’s population to seek shelter within the Citadel, the place of the assassination. So the murder would be discovered shortly after being carried out as Azorella’s cries of agony drew the attention of all. Naturally, the act triggered massive unrest among the populace. Those councilors involved were arrested soon after and put on trial. But further alienating the populace and in defiance to the people’s will, those Diarchists that remained free sought to downplay the severity of the crime, urging for inhumanely soft punishments for those involved. Acaele Lazul, chosen Maheral after Azorella’s death, failed to remedy the anger of the citizenry. Thus, as the trials went on, a clear schism within the society formed. On one side were the aforementioned Diarchists. On the other were the Maheralists, Mali’thill who believed in the traditional supreme authority of the Maheral, guided by the ancient phrase of the one who led the Mali’thill to their cultural zenith in Anthos, 4 centuries ago, Lucion Sullas: “The Maheral simply is”. In a final act of delusion and desperation, the remaining Diarchists would seek to trial many Maheralists, most notably Ikur Sullas. Arbitrarily, many were called forth by those who still denied the inevitable. Ikur Sullas’ trial never came to be, being postponed, again, arbitrarily. Nonetheless, he climbed the podium still and accused the leadership of corruption, uttering “The Maheral simply is, and Acaele Lazul… you are not”. In that moment, the public collectively agreed that Acaele never was. This moment, in 1771, represents the ending of the Diarchy and the beginning of the Azorella reformation, the transition to the Republic. II. Progress Is the Republic _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ [!] Illustration of the first democratic nominations for Sohaership, 1772 _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ The transition to a democratic republic began shortly after Acaele’s downfall and the subsequent collapse of the Diarchy. In these trying times, order was maintained by the Malauriran Avern’dionne and Kelthran Iyathir, alongside Ikur Sullas, who was chosen Maheral by general consensus in 1772. The chief immediate objective of these three was the organization of elections, the first in a century, and the formation of a government to lead the reformation effort. Thus, it would be them who would oversee the democratic processes of 1772. After what could be considered the fiercest nominations and debates in the Republic’s history, Nelgauth Maehr’tehral, Silvos Sythaerin, Dele Seregon, Kaelan Aldin and Elathion Dagre’sae would emerge victorious, filling the positions of Sohaer, Okarir’maehr, Okarir’hiylun, Okarir’tir and Okarir’nor respectively. In such a fashion, the first democratic government would form. The Republic’s establishment was imminent. It was under the management of this primeval ruling body that the first reforms were drafted to anchor the republican dream in reality. The Republic of Haelun’or would materialize formally in 1774 when the New Constitution of Haelun’or would be adopted. It is ofttimes difficult to realize the importance of the times one lives in thus, while few knew it at the time, as Ikur Sullas and Nelgauth Maehr’tehral announced then the foundation of the Republic, the Descendants were about to experience the height of modern Mali’thill civilization. Upon perusal, the intention of the administration to secure democratic principles is evident. The newly secured piece of legislation guaranteed all High Elven citizens of Haelun’or “the unalienable rights to freedom of expression, to enter the city freely, to association, to attend trials and public councils, to due process under the law, to education and the pursuit of progress, and to housing and food within the City of Haelun’or”. As far as the Mali’thill is concerned, there was no constitution more favorable anywhere in Arcas, at the time. If we are to point out a flaw in this paramount act, it would be the sense of irrelevance it created around the Sohaer through the entrusting of most of the power into the Maheral. It ought come as no surprise, however, considering that the first government of the Republic was composed exclusively of Mali’thill who, in the years prior, formed the forefront of the Maheralist movement. Thus, into the Maheral was vested “supreme executive power [...] over all city affairs, [...] the authority to supervise and veto any legislation passed by the silver council, to pardon any citizen found in violation of Haelun’or law, and to interpret this constitution and declare any current or former legislation unconstitutional”. Generally, such investments of power into one individual facilitate dictatorships and are problematic for a democratic system. But while those concerns would demonstrate legitimate later, the authority of the Maheral proved especially useful in the first years of the Republic, representing a strong defense mechanism against the naturally chaotic shift from a society crushed by oligarchy into a democracy. More fortunate still, the position was, at the time, held by Ikur Sullas, who had the forethought not to employ his supreme decision powers too often, letting the democracy shape itself. But what truly substantiated the democratic nature of the Haelun’orian society was the innovative foundation, by the Constitution, of a new institutional body named the Heial’tuva, the Council of All. Legally, many of the actual democratic processes would stem from that institution: “All High Elven citizens of the age of majority (50) shall be inducted into the Council of All (heial’tuva), and granted the rights to public debate, to vote in public election, and to run in and challenge any elected office”. It is true that, in principle, this pseudo-parliament held no actual governing ability or administrative power. Rather, it derived its importance from the ability of its members to elect and challenge those in power. In any case, even if the steering of the nation was not directly in the hands of the people, but more in the hands of those elected by the people, the establishment of the Heial’tuva represented an important step towards democracy and a great improvement from the previous dictatorship. It would not be long before the fundamentals of the newly-founded Republic would be put to the test. In 1775 Kaelan Aldin would retire, as would Silvos Sythaerin in 1776. The seat of Okarir’tir, then left vacant by Kaelan’s departure, would be filled by Celiasil Uradir. His triumph in the election would come as a surprise to many. At the time, Celiasil was not a member of the Sillumiran, the Silver State’s military, and he was faced with the challenge of defeating two more experienced candidates, more notable among them being Storm Elibar’acal. In any case, Celiasil’s tenure began with much work striving to improve the Weeping Blades’ reputation across the entire continent through careful recruitment and drilling of discipline and competence into an army that, by 1776, was no longer at the apex of its power. Celiasil’s replacement of Kaelan would represent the first change between two democratically elected representatives. Thus, the phrase “Progress is the Republic” was born. On a similar note, not long after, the election for the seat of Okarir’maehr would render Silvyr Uradir victorious. This event would prove to be a more unfortunate part of the Republic’s history. Silvyr would go on to display an absolute lack of vision or ability for the administration of the Haelun’orian educational sector. Under his management, the Eternal Library would fall into disuse, while his delayed reforms and lectures lacking any substance would go on to severely maim the intellectual progress of the High Elves. The full extent of the damage caused by Silvyr’s tenure and the following decade of limited academic achievements would become apparent only many years later, in the Republic’s final days. Then, in times of most urgency, a significant part of the population, lacking proper early enlightenment, would find itself unable to combat the depressingly abundant misinformation. Not only that, but the damage done under Silvyr would be used as a chief source of anti-republican propaganda, and as a primary argument against the Republic by those aiming at its destruction. Around that same time, in 1777, probably as a foreshadowing of what was to befall all the Descendants, multiple malicious entities, by all accounts foreign to Arcas, would assail Lareh’thill and its vicinity. One such instance, more memorable, would be that of a giant worm-like creature. Multiple people, the day of the attack, remarked a certain stillness in the nature all around them, as if all life fled. The creature itself was described as “slimey, disgusting yet incredibly large” with a mouth lined with “rows of twisting teeth, like a sharp vortex that would shred anything to dust”. Despite the beast’s mystique and might, the Sillumiran on duty, led by Celiasil, along with those citizens that offered their aid in the struggle, would go on to valiantly defend the Silver City and its residents, slaying the monster while suffering minimal casualties. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ [!] Drawing of chasm in the vicinity of Lareh’thilln _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Those threats would end up duly eliminated and the damage inflicted would be repaired. But the fear instilled by them would endure, and so it would come about that their gravest implications would be on the political stage. In the context of these events, in fear of what other malignant creatures might attack Larihei’s children and with the intent to preserve the life of the Mali’thill, the Silver Council, in 1778, would strike a pseudo-alliance with Azdromoth and its followers, adopting The Pact of the Titan. This piece of legislature would go on to constitute the chief source of contention among the Mali’thill citizens of the Republic. The controversial clauses the document contained, namely “The First Drakaar, Azdromoth, is to be revered within Haelun’or, for it is He and He alone who offers us safety” and “Sons and daughters of The First Drakaar, Azdromoth, Elazdrazi, are to be welcomed into Elcihi and treated with the same respect as our fellow Mali’thill”, understandably alarmed a significant portion of the residents of the Silver State, them viewing the Pact as an affront to purity, as a contract of vassalage. Those in favor of it claimed that it was forged in order to preserve purity. Nonetheless, the Pact, once signed, and despite vocal opposition, still saw public support, primarily fueled by the aforementioned fears of the outside world that, at the time, grew increasingly more grim. What followed was a short period of both internal and external tranquility. In this time that lasted no more than three years, the government attempted to redress the material damage caused by the previous attacks while at the same time to continue the never-ending effort of reformation, improvement and progress. Being a product of the dangerous circumstances of the age as much as of the good intentions of the Silver Council, during this time an ambitious military program was announced by the office of the Okarir’tir with the purpose of educating the general populace in matters of warfare and combat, in case the need to defend the Motherland ever arose again. Around this same period, the medical system of Lareh’thilln, which by now was one of the most modern and efficient healthcare establishments in the continent, would continue to improve under Dele Seregon’s guidance. The first disturbance of this calmness would come in 1781 when the Okarir’nor Elathion Dagre’sae resigned. The election that followed affirmed Effile Ker’vulnir as the new Okarir’nor. At the time there was a noticeable lack of enthusiasm concerning these affairs, with many citizens absenting at the time of the debate. Admittedly, the position did carry less relevance to the Mali’thill people than the others, so the general indifference was not surprising. The actual truth regarding those facts would come about shortly after Effile’s victory, when she would prove ineffectual and absent for the entirety of her tenure but, courtesy of the position’s irrelevance, the effects an idle councilor entailed were massively mitigated. One year later, foreign woes would make their return as well, in spite of the pledges made in the Pact of the Titan. In 1782, a band of foreign and, altogether, irrelevant terrorists would abduct and hold hostage the Sohaer, Nelgauth Maehr’tehral. It is a known fact that, in the end, Nelgauth was rescued unharmed, appearing jovial enough at a soiree hosted by his own kin not long after. However, the circumstances of this incident remain somewhat ambiguous and shrouded in mystery. At the time, the government of Haelun’or kept the escapade a secret from the public in order to contain the agitation and possible spread of misinformation. It would only be revealed after Nelgauth’s rescue, and even then nothing too detailed. The means and reasons for the capture of the Sohaer remain up to debate and personal interpretation thus, as no actual statement from the terrorist organization ever surfaced after the incident. To beguile the Sillumiran and whatever Azdrazi were guarding the city at the time suggests a certain cunning planning and to kidnap a state official of Nelgauth’s stature would have opened many possibilities for the culprits, from amassing massive wealth to blackmailing the government into nefarious activities. But, with the incident long resolved, it is probable that the absolute truth of the matter will never be fully understood. As if the previous events were not enough, the year of 1783 would present the first seismic shift on the political stage of the Silver State. This year would be the year of Nelgauth Maehr’tehral’s abdication from the position of Sohaer. The government of Haelun’or, for the first time since the Revolution, became without a steward. Whether this decision was influenced in any way by the individual’s previous aforementioned misfortune remains up to debate. In any case, Nelgauth would go on to linger for some more time in politics in the quality of Maelunir, which was the Maheral’s direct subordinate and chief aide. However, he would cease to take center stage and would grow increasingly more peripheral. It can be speculated that Nelgauth, at the time, was stepping down from that position of power in hopes of training Haelun’or’s next generation of leaders. In discussing Nelgauth’s character, one must note that he would go on to face criticism throughout most of his political career as well as well after that. It was a known fact that the Maehr’theral was incredibly liberal in private and that, throughout much of his career, he was prone to fits of hypocrisy. In many people’s eyes, he has earned the appellation of Mali’ata. Nonetheless, whatever faults the individual possessed, the actual role of Nelgauth in the foundation and further development of the Republic and of the Haelun’orian democracy is uncontestedly paramount. Being one of the authors of the Constitution of 1774, he laid the path not only for the Silver State’s aspiring politicians, but for all those yearning for freedom. It can be safely asserted that, by all standards, Nelgauth’s political career was impressive. In Nelgauth’s place as Sohaer would rise Eredael Rhenaer, a Mali barely above the age of majority with a good academic career. Despite his very young age, he would go on to best in the election Anethra Uradir. For much of his tenure as Sohaer, Eredael would remain somewhere obscurely in the shadow, focusing more on the diplomatic affairs of the state rather than the acceleration of reforms of the interior. But that is by no means an act of discreditment, for Haelun’or’s diplomacy was, at the time, impeccable, as the state itself was on good terms with most of the other nations of the Descendants. That same year of 1783 would bring one more novelty. One by the name of Aiera Sullas would be named Tilruir’indor of the Eternal Library. It would be under her guidance, after a decade of mismanagement, that life would be restored into this most important institution of the Silver State. Three years later, as another triumph of the educational sector, Silvyr would bless the populace with his resignation. In his stead, as Okarir’maehr, that very same Aiera Sullas would ascend. By 1786 she was already conducting treaties with foreign places of knowledge to better the intellectual progress of the nation. Her triumph would go on to represent the turning point in the matter of academics. After a delay of ten years, work towards reforming the Eternal Institutions would finally be made. To continue the stream of political machinations, 1789 would see the first challenge of an Okarir by a regular citizen of the Silver State. That year, Nuala Telperion would accuse the Okarir’nor at the time, Effile Ker’vulnir, of incompetence and idleness. While not entirely wrong, the act would see the disapproval of most of the citizenry, as Nuala was still remembered as a staunch supporter of the Diarchy in its final hours. This known fact caused a short-lived public scandal between her and those that sought to shame her for her past actions. Taking advantage of this general revulsion towards Nuala, one by the name of Zelios Elibar’acal would go on to nominate himself as well, thus an alternative would present itself through him. Effile resigned shortly after the announced candidatures of the two, having enough courage and foresight to step down. In the end, as expected, Zelios would emerge victorious. The Mali did not present a spectacular plan or campaign, nor was he experienced in matters of economy. Yet, courtesy of the stigma associated with the old regime, Nuala still lost. It would not be long before the competency of the government and the resilience of the Mali’thill would be tested again. At the end of 1789, the most severe foreign attack on Haelun’or would commence. Those that witnessed the horrendous battle remarked a most terrible storm unfolding prior to the creatures’ arrival, one characterized by an unusually high quantity of lightning that threatened anyone not sheltered. On that fateful night, four creatures of dark allegiance, called by some “Shadows of Aegis” launched a monstrous assault upon Lareh’thilln, managing even to destroy one of the draconic wards placed by Azdromoth, prompting the Drakaar itself to appear and defend the city. Apparently, the beasts’ primary targets were the buildings of most importance, namely the Citadel, the Eternal College and the Eternal Library. The latter would be the only one to survive the assault. What is more, the assailants imbued within the Eternal College a sort of plague, this too mystical in nature, which would chiefly corrupt books but also the mind of anyone who would thread within the confines of the building. After a long and arduous battle, the city would be saved with Azdromoth’s aid, but the Citadel and the Eternal College would remain defunct for the remainder of the habitation of Arcas. As a further precaution and at Azdromoth’s own advice, the collection of the Eternal Library was moved to Helena, then the capital of the Holy Orenian Empire, which was deemed, then, safer. There the books would remain, courtesy of the alliance between the Empire and the Silver State, until Helena would too be destroyed. The entire continent of Arcas would end up being corrupted in 1795. Then, Lareh’thill would be destroyed, much like all the other cities. The mountain upon which it was built collapsed into a fiery chasm. At the time, fortunately, the evacuation effort was led by Dele Seregon, who managed to rally the citizenry and organize the escape to the Eye of Man, where the Mali’thill sought refuge until the eventual embarkation to Almaris. _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ [!] Picture of the ruination of Lareh’thilln and the flight of the Mali’thill, 1795 _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Arriving on the new continent of Almaris in 1796, the everlasting children of Larihei would settle a fertile island to the far east. There, the High Elves would begin constructing a new home befitting their dreams and traditions. The settlement would be appropriately named Karinah’siol, the Lone Sunrise. It would be this city that would bear witness to the Republic’s final years. They would be as eventful as they would be tragic. Only a year after the Mali’thill’s settling on the island, Dele Seregon would announce her resignation as Okarir’hiylun and the eventual retirement from politics. Thus ended the career of the longest serving Okarir in the Republic’s history, maintaining her function for 25 years of the Republic’s 32 years of existence. It was under her management that the medical sector of Haelun’or grew to be one of the most respectable establishments in the World. The health of the citizenry was, throughout all these years, despite all the challenges, preserved and improved. It was also her achievement the adoption of legislation that sought to improve the experience of the less fortunate of Haelun’or’s citizens through the Citizenship Act of 1782, which bettered the condition of second class citizens, or the Orphanage Act, whose objectives were the protection and education of Mali’thill orphans. She, too, would be subjected to much criticism, however. It can be argued that the Seregon besmirched her purity by quasi-worshipping Azdromoth, an act which she would admit doing. But, it would also be maintained that she did so to protect one of her kin, which was a Paladin of Xan. More fortunately, Dele Seregon would go on to be one of the main critics of the Pact of the Titan and of the Azdrazi, bringing many arguments and much evidence about their violent nature. Regardless, much like Nelgauth Maehr’tehral’s case, Nelgauth who officially retired around the same time, Dele Seregon’s role in the progress of the Republic is undeniable, contributing greatly to all its triumphs and glories. It would be Maeve Elibar’acal who would rise in Dele’s stead, continuing the policies of her predecessor with much ability. An accomplished doctor, to this day, the “Curriculum of Hiylun”, written by Maeve Elibar’acal and her staff, remains the most comprehensive guide in the study of medicine. It would be under her, as well, that medicine classes would formally begin, in a most fruitful partnership with the office of the Okarir’maehr. Still in 1797, an issue that has haunted the Haelun’orian Republic for decades was starting to receive more and more attention. With the settlement of the new continent, the Inferi threat and the corruption of Arcas that instilled fear in the Mali’thill were gone. It was in this context that more and more citizens of the Silver State began questioning the necessity of the Pact of the Titan. By then, the document was continuously losing public support, as many Mali’thill committed the horrific act of turning into Azdrazi, receiving absolutely no punishment for forsaking their purity. Notable among those unguided were Silvyr and Celiasil Uradir, though the latter would end up not fully turning. The number of people calling for the Pact’s nullification was increasing. Perhaps the most unfortunate fact to come out of this situation was Maheral Ikur Sullas’ reluctance to abandon the alliance with Azdromoth, being constrained to use his decisive powers as Maheral to ensure its survival. There have been multiple occasions where Ikur’s distaste for lessers, Azdromoth and the Azdrazi being just that, was obvious. And so, the actual reasons the Maheral then had at maintaining the Pact remain unclear. It would seem that, mayhaps, the Sullas was overly cautious, perhaps fearing Azdromoth’s possible retaliation. Of course, such a fear would have been legitimate, considering that Drakaars like Azdromoth are ill-tempered, corrupt creatures constantly lusting for power. Whatever the reasons, this sad decision of Ikur would serve as yet another subject of propaganda, later, in the effort to destroy the Republic. On this background, the following year would see Celiasil’s resignation. As previously mentioned, at the time, Celiasil was looking to turn into an Azdrazi. This fact alone was the source of much discontent, which only grew after he received the Maheral’s approval in retaining the Okarir’tir position. The Republic was on the brink of having an Okarir not of the Mali’thill race. But it did not come to that, as Celiasil had the wisdom to retire, ending thus a career which lasted for 23 years. He was responsible for the modernization and instruction of the Sillumiran, vastly increasing the quality of the Republic’s military. It would also be him who would lead the Weeping Blades in the Descendants’ struggle against the Inferi. The army of the Mali’thill would go on to valiantly aid their distant cousins in the Siege of Aegrothond and later fight in the battles for the liberation of Korvassa. Observably, the Sillumiran then not only served as a military force, but also as a diplomatic envoy, earning the Silver State much prestige and admiration throughout the conflict. III. Regarding the State of the Republic _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ [!] Sunset as observed from a beach near Karinah’siol, cca. 1803 _______________________________________________________________________________________________________________ The Republic was a dream. A dream that fell. It seems fitting that we shall now begin to delve into the chain of events that led to the downfall of the democratic system, the system that allowed the intellectual prowess of the Mali’thill to express itself, by first reminiscing what could be considered the last moment characteristic of its nature, the Okarir'tir debate. After Celiasil’s resignation, in 1799 the election for the Okarir’tir position commenced. The nomination and debate were one of the fiercest in the Republic’s history, their vitality being outmatched only by those at the Republic’s birth, back in 1772. And, despite the efforts of the moderators in place, the main discussion that concerned the citizenry then was the views of the candidates in regards to the state of the Pact. In fact, so adamant were the citizens that, after the official debate was over, they organized another, unofficial, but which lasted more than the former. Of all the three candidates, Ellisar Aevaris would be the one to show the least ardor concerning the abolishment of the alliance. Nonetheless, he would still emerge victorious. At the time, his triumph was certainly a surprise to many, considering that his opinions aligned with those of the masses the least. One possibility for his triumph is that the other two candidates, Valorin Celia’thilln and Olrin Hildinyr, in presenting similar stances on many issues, divided their own electorate, halving their votes and cancelling each other out. For better or worse, after a memorable round of elections, Ellisar would become Okarir’tir. Nobody anticipated it at the time, but these elections would go on to be the last with a formal debate between candidates. Despite all this, the state of the interior seemed to be improving. Nobody in the government threatened to turn into something else. That, coupled with the announcement of the formal opening of the Eternal Institutions and the soon arrival of the Eternal Library’s collection, instilled much optimism about the future in the populace. But that was not to last, and the worst was yet to come, though in means so subtle few recognized the danger. In 1801, the heaviest blow to the Haelun’orian Republic would present itself in the unexpected retirement of the Maheral Ikur Sullas. Considering the Maheral’s actions not long before, rashly, many, the author of this book included, viewed Ikur’s resignation as a step forward. But in retrospect, one must admire just with how much ability he led the Mali’thill in these strange times, for democracy was not something many of them ever experienced before. The details surrounding the motives for his departure from the position of leadership matter not. Personal reasons, increasing opposition, those aspects are irrelevant. What is of concern is that he would be the last of the founders of the Republic to leave from the administration of the nation. One cannot think of the Haelun’orian Republic without picturing Ikur Sullas at the same time, they are very much connected. It was he who supervised the system’s development and progress for 29 years. After his retirement, the Republic would only endure for 3 more years. It remains uncertain whether or not the Republic would have fallen had Ikur remained in charge for a little while longer, but mayhaps that counts as a blessing, if not to the Mali’thill, then at least to the former Maheral. After all, the Republic was very much his progeny. It would have been a terrible thing to witness its fall from a position of power. In Ikur’s stead would be invested one by the name of Galanthil Elibar’acal. Most certainly a peculiar choice as Galanthil, having retired long before, was unknown to many. Presumably, this one’s naming was only temporary until a proper successor could have been found. But, rather unfortunately, it would not come to that as a new scandal would arise. Not long after this announcement, the Sohaer Eredael Rhenaer would, rather controversially, challenge Galanthil and name himself Maheral. Despite the boldness of the act, Eredael enjoyed a fair share of public support, thus prompting the Malauriran to convene. In order to prevent a power struggle and an actual schism, a council of Malauriran met and decreed Galanthil’s rise null and void, asserting Eredael in the position instead. It can safely be asserted that from this point on, the Republic’s demise was inevitable. The years that followed would see an ever increasing disregard for the Constitution, the Silver Laws and the customs of the Mali’thill. The year 1801 would see the publication of a document entitled “Regarding the State of the Republic”, signed unanimously by the members of the Silver Council, chief among them Eredael. In it, the primary objectives of the administration were written down: the consolidation of maehr’sae hiylun’ehya, the structural modernization of the Republic, the advancement of meritocracy, the advancement of new educational policies, the formal opening of San’evarir, the renewal of the Heial’tuva and renewed debate around the Azdrazi issue. In this fashion, Eredael managed to gather more support. In a similar mode, soon after, a grand debate concerning the Pact of the Titan was held. Rather expectedly, the matter was settled decisively in favor of abolishing it. Support for Eredael increased still. Now concerning a more depressing matter, in light of the apparent chaotic transition caused by Eredael’s challenge of Galanthil, a great number of inconspicuous individuals began migrating to the Silver State. Many of them never set foot in the Republic before and many of them belonged to families with ties to the Diarchy, like Laraethryn and Valarieth. Their distant stance to the democratic system was evident. It would be one belonging to this group of people, Arelyn Iyathir, that would be elected Sohaer. Securing victory over Nuala Telperion, she would be the first such elected representative without being subjected to a formal debate. Arelyn would set a trend for all the Haelun’orian politicians that followed. From this point on, propaganda aimed at the discrediting of the Republic and its founders began. Arelyn, in her campaign, dared not directly attack the Republic, but still commented on the “liberalism that has poisoned our people” or the “impurity that lurks in the shadows”. As it is often the case with such aggressive populistic speeches, she offered no solutions and pointed to no particular problem, making use only of carefully constructed ambiguous accusatory phrases. Following Arelyn’s ascension, the propaganda would only grow in intensity. Simultaneously, a wave of resignations and departures would occur, primarily from those still loyal to the Republic and the progress of the Mali’thill. It began with Ellisar Aevaris, the Okarir’tir, followed by Maeve Elibar’acal, the Okarir’hiylun, and all her entourage. Not long after, Dele Seregon would announce her departure as well. 1804 would see the leave of Aiera Sullas and her staff. None of their successors would declare themselves in favor of democracy. The greatest schism in recent Haelun’orian history would thus form. As of the time this book was written, the schism still continues. 1803 would see the first flagrant disregards of the Constitution as the offices of Medi’iran and Okarir’san were reinstated without amending the Constitution first. The intents of the new establishment to ruin the Republic and write a new constitution were evident. Sometime later, Eredael would invest Caledor Laraethryn in the position of Okarir’san without an actual election. Caledor would have gone down in history as the first unelected member of the Silver Council since the fall of the Diarchy, were it not for the Malauriran who intervened. In a last effort to save the Republic, the former leaders of Haelun’or would urge for elections, and they would eventually be held. The reality was, however, that it has been more than a year since propaganda began, most of the opposition already fled and the majority of the electorate was composed of individuals with a distaste for democracy. Caledor would win. By 1804 there was virtually no opposition left in the government and works were undergoing towards formally ending the Republic. The last legal bastion of defense was represented by Aiera Sullas who resigned that very same year. The downfall of the system by now was only a matter of time. It remains uncertain how long Aiera Sullas would have managed to delay this inescapable future. However, by analysing the behavior of the councilors at the time, it seems very likely that, had Aiera resisted for much longer, she would have shared Azorella’s fate. It thus came to be that on the 5th of Snow's Maiden, 1804, a new constitution was adopted. The Heial’tuva was abolished, ending the ability of the populace to elect and challenge representatives. All relevant power was taken away from the Maheral and centralized under the Sohaer, who would thenceforth have the ability to appoint and dismiss all councilors. From that moment on, freedom of expression would cease to constitute a constitutional right. Thus, in 1804, despite the initial promises made, Eredael would consent to the formal ending of the Republic he so diligently swore to protect. The rule of the people was at an end and the oligarchy would make its return. If we are to compare the Diarchy’s final hours with those of the Republic, we would notice striking similarities between the move attempted by Sulraell Visaj in 1767 and the legislative changes brought forth by Arelyn. Through means more direct and propaganda more efficient, Iyathir succeeded where Visaj failed, securing the Sohaer’s dominance over the entirety of the Silver Council. Sometimes, the apparent symmetry between historical events is truly astonishing. And so ends the three decades long drama of the Haelun’orian Republic. Its effects and the tragedy of its demise would go on to impact the Mali’thill forever. It would bring forth the existential question of what exactly means to be a Mali’thill. But more than anything else, the fall of the Republic would reveal that even we are fallible and that there is much to learn still. maehr’sae hiylun’ehya.
  7. Pillars of the Republic By Maenor Aildhuin Written in 1804; Karosgrad. Dedicated to all the Mali’thill who had to flee their homes in the wake of oppression. Preface A republic refers to a form of government where the power is held by the people and their elected representatives. Generally, the positions of power within such a system are not hereditary and none wield absolute powers like a king would in a monarchy. Simultaneously, the means of acquiring such primary positions differ slightly, however it is the wish of the author to dive into one particular type of republic, the democratic republic, wherein the citizenry elects representatives through equal, direct and secret vote. Further in this book, the broad definition put forth shall be expanded upon and, it is hoped, communicate the dogmas any democratic republic must abide by in order to properly operate in service of the people. Another of the author’s wishes is to understand the mistakes of the modern iteration of the Silver State and why it fundamentally failed as a democratic entity and, in the spirit of progress, enunciate the changes so needed for its revival and actual performance. I. The Fundamentals of Democratic Republics The vitality of any democratic republic manifests through the elections and their honesty for any position of leadership. All governmental positions must be acquired only through fair elections regardless of the circumstances the nation finds itself in. Elections can never be skipped over. Furthermore, for the healthy development of such systems and for ensuring their longevity, there must exist strong and secure institutions in which elected officials with relatively little individual power operate for the benefit of the nation and its inhabitants. There must be mechanisms of regulation and correction should any of the country’s stewards fail in their duties or attempt abuse or seizure of power. This is usually achieved through the separation and distribution of power across multiple institutions or persons, preventing one from holding total control and offering the system the means to correct should anyone err. The law must reign supreme and, so far as democracies are concerned, it must unequivocally be respected and, should it be disregarded by an individual, regardless of status, it must be enforced without bias or prejudice. The law must guarantee the sanctity of the rights of the individual and the respect for such indisputably at all times. A democracy must ensure that all the citizens have a voice. Those that are wrong or dumb must be listened to and then destroyed with logical arguments, taught so they see the light, ridiculed should they stubbornly cling to erroneous affirmations. Justice through comprehensive laws, freedom through a constitution made for the people, equality through understanding and mutual respect, those are the premises of a successful democratic republic. However, laws can be changed. The ruling body can be manipulated. It is, as shown by recent Haelun’orian politicians, relatively easy to twist the public opinion to your benefit, to profit off their concerns and to direct all hatred at an external or internal enemy, be it fictional or real to some degree, be them liberals, impures, other Mali’thill etcetera. At this point it is important to note that in a democratic republic, the most powerful entity, the one that really dictates the nation’s future, is the citizenry. Should the people demand malevolence, the leaders must obey to retain their positions, regardless of whether or not their beliefs align with those of the people. But that is right. Ultimately, it is the people that decide the fate of their country; it is the people that lead it to glory or to ruin. Is there anything more just than that? As such, to ensure the good will of the people, you do not entrust the leadership with veto power, for what are the politicians, if not the mirrored image of the citizenry? For the progress of the republic and for the power of the people to be wielded wisely, the masses must be educated. The backbone of any democracy is the knowledgeable society. Parasites and other abominations can never take the reigns of power in such collectives. They are weeded out, they do not meet the requirements and expectations of intelligent beings that understand key values such as the collective good and the ineffable nature of their rights. The rights of the individual are not granted by the state or by the constitution, the rights are intrinsic to the person by virtue of mere existence. It is up to the individual if it wishes for its rights to manifest or for them to be respected by the state and constitution. Such persons are, courtesy of their intelligence and education, less prone to be fooled by populistic or extremist speeches meant to arouse the most barbaric and primal of emotions for the politician to exploit. In such cases when the well-educated masses are tasked with electing their representatives, their honest demands and expectations will simply rid the political stage of any ill-willing individuals, thus the mechanisms of the republic are entrusted not in the hands of impure extremists, but in those of the learned with a solemn respect for the voice of the people and their rights, for the well-being of the nation and for the progress of their kin through unity and plurality of opinions. The existence of a plurality of opinions is another fundamental aspect of an actual democratic establishment. Democracy means that one listens to all the sides, not just the one that appeals to one the most. The quintessence of the democratic republic can be surmised by the following mantra: I will fight to the death for your right to disagree with me. The plurality of opinions is so vital to an educated democratic society for it opens up possibilities, presents new approaches to problems and offers a multitude of solutions. It is a path to innovation, to progress. It is what sound republics use to find the best course of action. Among many voices, one, at least, is bound to be correct. The disregard for this fundamental aspect of a democracy leads to one of the greatest dangers to such a state, to what is usually called tyranny of the majority. We can observe the effects of such a weakness of the system on the nation and the population in the current Silver State, where such a phenomenon is in full effect, one of the many driving forces behind the recent exodus of the Mali’thill. What happens in such cases is that the majority, dismissing the wants and needs of the minority, proceeds to pursue primarily its own goals and motives. This leads to governmental complacency, corruption, to a shortage of new ideas and a massive echo chamber. To maintain this tyranny means the minority ends up oppressed, much as it would in a tyrannical system, which ends up leading to discontent. This, in turn, coupled with the appearance of a lost battle, with the impossibility of success and reform, leads the minority, which, however small, still represents a considerable part of the state’s population, to turn to new horizons, to seek shelter elsewhere. To counter this inadequacy of the system there mainly needs to be in place a functional and efficacious educational system that renders the masses educated. Learned individuals are more likely to listen to the other side, more likely to concede to the more reasonable argument, to work together with the opponent in search of the best solution, in search of compromise and in search of progress. They are prone to putting the general good above their own personal ambitions. The pairing of great knowledge and wisdom with a propitious constitution, one that pledges to secure the rights of the person, allowing the minority to have a voice to begin with, is what efficiently deters the degrading of the democracy into a tyranny of the majority. Education, freedom of speech and of thought, freedom of the press and generally the liberty to do and speak as one sees fit will all beget a great deal of voices within the society, a most vital aspect of the system. II. Constructing the Republican System [!] Painting of the first Silver Council meeting after the Fall of the Diarchy The actual building of a democratic republic is by no means an easy feat, even for Mali’thill. It takes many years to get used to the burden of freedom, to grasp the mechanisms of the democratic institutions and the liberties the citizen is entitled to, especially if the system is attempted after a long period of dictatorship. The nation also must be in possession of individuals capable of reforming or recreating the system into one of a free republic. There are many things that can go wrong, and the infancy of the system is when it finds itself in the most peril. In this chapter, I shall attempt to lay down the immediate reforms a nation must generally embrace while undergoing the transition to a democratic system as well as civil rights and liberties the government and the law must respect and protect at all times. In essence, this part would serve as a common guideline for aspiring democratic republics. Presuming the individuals capable of reforming the system end up seizing the reigns of power, the first step in the endeavor would be establishing a constitution that serves the citizenry, one that protects their ineradicable rights and their freedoms to individually express themselves. One propitious for a democratic system would usually begin with a definition of the state followed by that of the citizen, subtly hinting at its importance for the nation. Here, the constitution also ought to make it clear how exactly one does become a citizen. In an ideal democracy, not too many restrictions are imposed. “A citizen of Haelun’or shall be defined as a High Elf who is pure of mind and body, and who has been guaranteed a place in the city either by writ of citizenship issued by the Okarir’hiylun or Tilruir’lin, or by naturalization by birth to two High Elven citizens on Haelun’or soil.” Excerpt from the 1774 Constitution of Haelun’or; Art. I, S. I. Definition of Citizen Then the constitution must list the rights of the individual. Mind you, as stated before, the constitution itself does not create those rights, they have already existed and been claimed by the individual. The constitution lists them primarily to reinforce these otherwise intangible possessions of the self and to anchor them in the context of the law, rendering the state open to criticism or denunciation should they be infringed. The most vital rights and liberties of the individual that need to be secured by a democratic constitution would be the freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, the right to vote, to fair trial, to self-defense, to medical service, protection and the right to petition the government. Maintaining these natural rights of the individual steadfastly secures its position in society and in relation to the state. It institutes the frame of reference wherein the citizen can operate and manifest itself. If we are to look at history, the death of any democratic republic begins with the disregard for the citizens’ rights. “All High Elven citizens of Haelun’or shall be guaranteed the unalienable rights to freedom of expression, to enter the city freely, to association, to attend trials and public councils, to due process under the law, to education and the pursuit of progress, and to housing and food within the City of Haelun’or. “ “All High Elven citizens of the age of majority (50) shall be [...] granted the rights to public debate, to vote in public election, and to run in and challenge any elected office.” Excerpts from the 1774 Constitution of Haelun’or; Art. I, S. II. Constitutional Rights of Citizens What would naturally follow would be a defining of the democratic institutions and government which operate in the name of the people. In a democratic republic, the power must be spread across multiple institutions and never be allowed to centralize under a single one or a single person. This partition renders the state less prone to decay into tyranny and makes corruption much easier to detect and combat. Note that the separation of powers is not an approach exclusive to republics, but can be found in enlightened monarchies such as Oren or Hanseti-Ruska. Take for example the Orenian government wherein the power of the Crown is divided between the Council of State, Imperial Diet and the Imperial Judiciary. In this particular instance, the division is made in three branches: the executive, the legislative and the judiciary; this tripartite division is perhaps the most common example, and the most effective. It must be maintained that all positions of power be filled only after fair elections and that the citizens’ voice must never be ignored. Once the attributes of all institutions with their respective constituents and positions have been written down, the constitution must explicitly state how the nation is governed and how the branches of power interact with one another. In the context of the tripartite system, the legislative creates the laws, the executive puts the laws into effect, the judiciary interprets and defends the laws. How precisely laws are introduced and how the constitution can be amended must also be mentioned. After witnessing the butchering of the democratic Haelun’orian constitution and its replacement with one dictatorial in nature, I personally advise that for all constitutional amends, a referendum must be held wherein the approval or disapproval of the citizenry is asked in regards to the proposed modifications. Once that is done, one can consider the constitution complete. Afterwards, the legal step towards a democracy is nigh on finished. The government must make sure that the mundane laws do not infringe on the rights of the citizenry, nor that they are irrational or contradictory. The ruling body must make sure that there are no breaches in the law and that, first and foremost, it protects the citizen. The Silver Law would serve as an example of a masterfully crafted legislation. Now, aside from the law, it must be a government’s top priority to establish a coherent educational system immediately. It is only through educating the masses that one can make sure that the aforementioned system put in place lasts. As stressed before, knowledgeable individuals are what prevents vermin from acquiring and, through changes in the law, eventually abusing power. One must understand the weaknesses of any democracy and just how easily it can revert back to tyranny, particularly after long periods of authoritarianism. Do be warned, this is no excuse to purposefully imbue the minds of the masses with propaganda for the better rooting of the democratic system. Fabricated claims and deceit are not the tools of true republics; on the contrary, such forms of government must be guided by the truth and the free will of the citizens. III. The Ruination of the Silver State I will begin by maintaining that the 1774 iteration of the Silver State was not exactly a republic in its true sense, but shall be referred to as such for the sake of simplicity. Coincidentally, the only position in the government not up for elections was also the one to hold the most power. That was not very democratic nor safe for the development of an actual democracy. A better description for the governmental structure of Haelun’or, as laid down in the 1774 Constitution, would be that of an enlightened absolute ruler presiding over a privy council whose members are electable, members that, at the same time, enjoy a relatively high autonomy from the supreme leader. Still, despite all this, the citizens did enjoy more freedom than anywhere else. So far as civil rights and liberties are concerned, Ikur Sullas and Nelgauth Maehr’tehral did a considerably good job, ably reinforcing the voice of the people and their means to speak and make themselves heard. But the fact stands; the Haelun’orian republic was thoroughly flawed. First, let us commence with the obvious: it placed too much power into an unelected head of state. “[...] the Maheral shall have the authority to supervise and veto any legislation passed by the silver council, to pardon any citizen found in violation of Haelun’or law, and to interpret this constitution and declare any current or former legislation unconstitutional. Thus striking it from law permanently. Like the Sohaer, the Maheral shall reserve the right to declare a state of war and peace between Haelun’or and her adversaries, as is necessary to preserve and protect the interests of her people. As part of these rights, the Maheral shall be considered the supreme commander of all military assets in Haelun’or; and be granted the right to manage all political alliances of the state, as well as the right to denounce enemy states and to appoint ambassadors and scribes to act on their behalf. No diplomatic meeting involving Haelun’or may proceed without the consent of the sitting Sohaer or Maheral.” “Finally, the Maheral reserves the right to exercise complete control over the Silver Council. As part of their office, the Maheral may choose to remove a criminal or non-compliant councilor at any time on the condition that they nominate at least one willing replacement to the position.” Excerpts from the 1774 Constitution of Haelun’or; Art. III, S. I. Duties and Privileges of The Blessed (Maheral) It must be noted, before we delve deeper into the matter, that fortunately, throughout this establishment’s short existence, the position of Maheral was held either by people with enough foresight and ability not to make use of their godlike powers too often, or by people too incompetent and indecisive. As it happens, the Maheral itself is not the reason the republic fell. Rather, what is of concern is the attempt to fuse authoritarian tradition with democratic values. The half measures of the initial government were grave sources of discontent among the populace. Some were screeching that the nation was too liberal while others complained that it was too dictatorial. The idea itself that you can maintain a democratic republic while also entrusting titanic veto powers to a single position is where the err resides. Considering the fallible nature of the Descendants, supposing that the Maheralship ended up in the wrong hands, the person would have had the ability to end the republic without even having to bother to ask for the citizenry’s consent. The only way to oppose such a ruler would have been if society collectively decided that the person simply ceased to be, a process that, while very generously referred to, especially during Ikur’s final years, was simply not something that could have happened or would have happened realistically. If one had the desire to cling to power, then the position would have granted one the means to defend it, both through law and through force. In fact, every time the decision power of the Maheral was used, it only served to silence dissent and to fuel further discontent which would be later exploited by a treacherous few that ended up destroying the republic entirely. It simply is too dangerous to deliver absolute power to a single individual. It can, even if that person is, allegedly, the highest symbol of purity, corrupt. Other major flaws of the system included the reserved distribution of power, apparent lack of regulatory mechanisms and inability of the populace to intervene in the affairs of the state. In principle, the entire executive, administrative and legislative power was spread out among a handful of council members as well as the Maheral, into whom supreme executive power shall be vested. One might count it as not being distributed at all, since one institution, the heial’thilln, held all of it. The heial’tuva as an institution possessed no power whatsoever, its only attributes could have very well been given to the citizens of the age of majority without the need of an establishment that existed in name only. To make matters worse, the mechanisms of regulation concerning the usage of power existed only if either the Maheral bothered to notice or if the citizen was attentive enough to spot idle councilors. In the latter case, which would have been the most common, all the citizen could do was challenge said representative and hope the incoming elections would not be decided by popularity and bias, which was often the case. With power so condensed into a single entity and its constituent parts being so few, the council meetings wherein the matters of the state were settled seemed dull. Very rarely were there any actual debates among the councilors or plurality of opinions. When it did happen, there was always the option of simply removing the noncompliant individuals. Due to the nature of the Silver Council, the minority was rarely taken into account. The power belonged mostly to a few persons who, for the most part, shared the same thoughts and opinions, very like sheep. Those discontent could either endure or take their grievances to the Maheral or the Okariran in hopes that something would be done. Ofttimes they would receive some half-hearted reassurance and then life would resume as always. This disregard for some voices would, obviously, be exploited later by populists and extremists to seize the reins of power. The way the ruling body of the nation was structured was simply fundamentally wrong, governing the nation undemocratically and on the assumption that those elected would do their job, entrusting the system with very few means of correcting itself should they not do their job. Lasting republics require the hearts and minds of all its citizens, with power fragmented among many entities that only by working together for the betterment of the nation would they achieve progress. This would, more or less, conclude the legislative issues that endangered the republic. But there is still one critical problem that must be addressed. By far the greatest error, in the author’s view, was the inability of the ruling body of enlightening the masses through various educational means. Sadly, during the first couple of decades since the Republic’s foundation, the position of Okarir’maehr, paramount for the healthy societal development and for the progress of democracy, was held by an inept impure. But let us not throw all the blame on one so inferior, for he was voted in and nobody dared to challenge him for twenty years. Here, the absence of regulatory mechanisms have hit hardest. The Eternal institutions were all allowed to fall into disrepair, the public lectures were very scarce and insipid and, overall, the state laid no paths for the people to pursue intellectual progress. Whatever such progress was made, it was all due to individual and independent enterprises. While, throughout this period, the Maheral’s attempts at providing history lessons to the populace were commendable, in the end they were too few which, coupled with the lacking of any meaningful cultural lectures, failed to awaken the conscience of the masses in regards to the democratic process. It must be maintained that, for the citizens to scrupulously tend the democratic system, the teaching of unbiased history and culture is paramount, for only thus can one objectively assess the present and the potential future, comparing them with past actions and mistakes that ought not be repeated, ensuring the cultural progress of the people. But, in the early Republic, the immense potential for progress offered by the structure of the system was obscured by the veil of ignorance that blinded the masses. And when the position was entrusted to someone actually competent, it was too late, the damage was already done. There was too much to fix in too short a time. When populistic and propagandistic notions began circulating, too few people actually had the ability of rejecting them, of not being enslaved by them. Foolishness allowed a band of troglodytes to dismantle the Republic while encountering absolutely no resistance from the inner system. A republic’s greatest defense lies in the people and their voting power. Should they not be properly taught how to use said power responsibly, everything collapses. All these issues, acting in unison, led to the ultimate downfall of the Republic in 1804 and the establishment of a dictatorship under the Sohaer. It is to be hoped that some lessons would be learned from these past occurrences. Exceptional care must be put whenever attempting to establish a democracy as it grants the people freedom. Freedom to end said democracy should they desire and establish tyranny instead. The tragedy of the situation, however, is that the ensuing tyranny does not give the citizens any option of ever reverting peacefully to a democracy. IV. A Silver Republic [!] Painting of the Silver Council proclaiming the Republic Devising a functioning Haelun’orian republic is particularly challenging considering that it must respect democratic principles while also following the established traditions of the Mali’thill. Nevertheless, for the sake of progress, an attempt shall be made. One would notice, however, that neither this proposal is a republic in its true sense, but will still attempt to do it justice. For this part, the Constitution of 1774 shall be used as a reference point as the current Haelun’orian Constitution is beyond saving. In regards to the Maheral, it who simply is, in the past Republic, has been hailed as the ultimate symbol of purity, as Larihei’s messenger and, as such, has been entrusted absolutist powers. While this might be true, history teaches us to be more prudent before making such claims. As we have seen with the last Maheral, they too can err, they too can lie and deceive shamelessly. Some would say that such a person who acts in disservice to maehr’sae hiylun’ehya is not Maheral. But such a saying would hardly be taken seriously. And, in the end, why give one who could potentially not be fit for Maheralship such unlimited powers? Why content yourself with only hoping that the position will be filled by someone worthy? In an actual republic, the Maheral’s role ought to be that of guidance, of teaching and of preserving the culture; not at all that of a king. The Maheral of the Silver State shall remain its head of state but without any veto power, for that could potentially be used to obstruct progress or silence the will of the people. It shall preside over all council meetings and supervise that only actions for the progress of the state and its citizens are taken. As before, the Maheral should be able to select a Maelunir upon their ascension who it can replace at any time. The purpose of the Maheral in the heial’thilln would be that of ensuring that the legislation created is in accordance with tradition and maehr’sae hiylun’ehya. However, the Maheral ought not be allowed to vote nor to propose legislation of its own. To better distribute power, an alternative way for the Maheral, as a tool of the system, to regulate the activity of the council would be for it to be able, instead of having veto power over legislation, to postpone the enactment of a new law should it consider it against purity and progress, and send it to the heial’tuva for approval. For all controversial laws where the sanctity of the nation might be in danger, the ultimate authority must be the people. Let them decide via a simple majority referendum whether the legislation sent by the Maheral passes or not. That way, the possibilities of exploiting the system drastically diminish and the citizens gain a voice in the more complex affairs of the state. Additionally, in the case of the Maheral deeming a law, already approved, unconstitutional, a similar process should ensue. Instead of being able to permanently strike down said law, the Maheral would petition the heial’tuva and ask their opinion via simple majority referendum. Again, the purpose of such maneuvers is to distribute power across multiple institutions in an effort of consolidating democracy and reducing the risk of oppression. The Maheral also must not have the power to remove councilors from council meetings, lest that be abused to silence discontent. But other than that, the Maheral would preside over all elections and referendums and guarantee the legality of ballots and have “the right to declare a state of war and peace between Haelun’or and her adversaries, as is necessary to preserve and protect the interests of her people. As part of these rights, the Maheral shall be considered the supreme commander of all military assets in Haelun’or; and be granted the right to manage all political alliances of the state, as well as the right to denounce enemy states and to appoint ambassadors and scribes to act on their behalf. No diplomatic meeting involving Haelun’or may proceed without the consent of the sitting Sohaer or Maheral”, as laid down in the Constitution of 1774. The Most Blessed ought also to retain its primary role in the heial’laurir and have an ultimate say in a Path to Purity sentence as the position still must retain its cultural importance. Concerning the Sohaer, it must be chair of the Silver Council and the steward of the nation. The Sohaer and the Maheral must complement each other to secure a prosperous future for the nation and its inhabitants. To begin, the power entrusted to the Sohaer according to the 1774 Constitution is, by all accounts, reasonable. As such, I would not take away any of its attributes formulated in the Article II, Section IV Duties and Privileges of the Devout (The Sohaer) (Constitution of 1774). However, as some have argued, it does not enforce the idea that the Devout is the nation’s steward and head of government. Thus, I would instead add to its abilities in relation to the rest of the government, granting it a firmer grip over the administration. Consider the following: should the Sohaer deem an Okarir unworthy of serving the nation, it should have the ability, similar to the Maheral, to petition the heial’tuva for a vote of confidence of said Okarir, simple majority deciding if the elected official loses its position or not. In this manner, the Sohaer does not have to patiently wait for some brave soul to challenge said Okarir and replace it. It grants the steward of the nation, in collaboration with the citizenry, better control of the system. And afterall, a vacant seat is a preferable alternative to one occupied by an incompetent or a malevolent creature. In addition, and with the purpose of fitting the position of Medi’ir into the democratic republic, upon its ascension, the Sohaer would select one Medi’ir that would thenceforth preside over the heial’tuva. It is fitting that a smaller Sohaer should preside over a smaller institution. But, to prevent corruption and servile behaviours, there must be restrictions in regards to the Sohaer demoting said Medi’ir. Preferably, the only routes of the Sohaer vacating the seat of Medi’ir would be those of either the incumbent Sohaer losing the position, a new Sohaer entailing a new Medi’ir or the Devout requesting the removal of the Medi’ir to the heial’tuva, it being removed by a two-thirds majority vote. The reasoning here behind the necessity of the heial’tuva’s approval is, again, the attempt at curbing corruption and preventing the political monopoly of the Sohaer. It seems reasonable that the ones with the final say in the matter should be those over which the Medi’ir holds sway. Now, due to the relation the position of Medi’ir would have with the general populace and the members of the heial’tuva, we must be delicate in ascertaining power to it, lest the balance tips and the Council of Many gains the ability to undermine the Silver Council. But at the same time, we must remain aware that the Medi’ir, in this case, ought to magnify the voice of the people. Thus, in this Silver Republic, I would entrust the Medi’ir with one ability only, one not to be taken lightly. To anchor within the legislative the saying that the Maheral ceases to be if the citizens stop following it, the Medi’ir would have the option of organizing a referendum to decide whether or not one simply is or simply is not. Four-fifths majority in the heial’tuva would determine that the Maheral ceases to be. However, to prevent abuses of such power, should the vote fail and the Maheral to remain, the Medi’ir forfeits its position, the Sohaer being required to select another. In this manner, the Maheral retains its ability of regulating the activity of the Silver Council and safeguarding the purity of the nation but now it who simply is must work together with the citizenry, losing the power to silence the will of the people. Similarly, the Sohaer’s leadership role in the Council is reinforced, gaining the ability, with the people’s grace, to remove those incompetent, defending thus the progress that the nation must pursue. The composition of the heial’thilln I would not change, a government consisting of the Sohaer, the four Okariran (the Okarir’maehr, the Okarir’hiylun, the Okarir’tir and the Okarir’nor) and their respective Tilruiran sufficing for the efficient administration of the state. However, an important obligation of the Sohaer, which, unfortunately, was overlooked by past governments, is that of encouraging cooperation between the Okariran for the purpose of offering the citizenry standards of living and services apt for the Mali’thill. Likewise, the Sohaer must ensure that none of the Okarir infringe upon the rights of another or defy their responsibilities. Again, for the health of the government and of the nation, the Okariran must cooperate in peace, and the Sohaer must make sure of that. I would, personally, not change the attributes and responsibilities of the Okariran and the Tilruiran as laid down in Article II, Sections V-VIII of the 1774 Constitution. Perhaps the only addition I would make would be that of granting the Okarir’maehr and Okarir’hiylun the legal privilege of selecting two Tilruiran each, due to their primary role in society and them each overseeing two institutions. The Council elections as explained in Article II, Section II ought also to remain, with the added order that elections must never, under any circumstance or danger, foreign or domestic, be skipped over. And, let us not forget, all positions of the council must be open to challenge. Now, in regards to the heial’tuva, this hypothetical version of a Silver Republic does grant it more power which is mostly consultative in nature. It, as an institution on its own, would have no ability of overriding the decisions of the Silver Council, nor would it have the function of creating legislation. It would, however, prove decisive each time the Maheral would see fit to convoke it or whenever the Sohaer or Medi’ir would initiate their respective votes of confidence as described above. It is imperious for a democracy that the voice of the populace is heard and, with additional power of the heial’tuva, that would come closer to fruition than in the last Republic. I would, however, make “the rights to public debate, to vote in public election, and to run in and challenge any elected office [...] to bear arms within the walls of the Silver City” independent of the heial’tuva, them being granted to all citizens above the age of majority. It would coincide with their induction into the heial’tuva, yes, but those rights transcend the institution, those rights are one with the individual. This organization of the system and distribution of power would, in the author’s views, serve the students of Larihei much better than any dictatorship, be it of the Maheral or the Sohaer. May, in the future, the Mali’thill not refute so carelessly the infinite possibilities of progress that come with a democratic republican system. maehr’sae hiylun’ehya,
  8. The Northern Geographical Society The Great Crest of the Northern Geographical Society Est. 1762 ✵ Historical Background & Overview ✵ Founded by Celestine Herbert in 1762, the Northern Geographical Society (NGS) considers itself to be a highly prestigious, international scholastic organization made up of anthropologists, historians, naturalists, cartographers, and other varieties of scholars and adventurers. We are dedicated to the preservation and diffusement of historical, natural, and cultural knowledge through the upkeep of museums across the continent of Almaris and the undertaking of expeditions to expand the horizons. In order to do this, we maintain a chain of museums across the continent with the goal of eventually establishing one in every major Almarisian country. The institutions we maintain serve to educate the public on a variety of different topics in the fields of culture, history, and naturalism across the land. The operations of the NGS transcend state borders, and our Society takes great pride in the academic, ethnic, and cultural diversity of our membership. Our museums are all operated by professionals with impeccable credentials in their areas of expertise, and we take great pride in both our independence as an organization and in our reputation as an unbiased academic society of the utmost integrity. We often go on expeditions in order to expand our horizons and push new frontiers as well as administer these higher institutions of learning, and thus consider ourselves to be adventurers as well as scholars alike. ✵ Leadership of the NGS ✵ Celestine E. Herbert Founder of the NGS, c. 1757 The President The Vice President Museum Curators Division Leaders The Society’s Circle Executive Leadership President of the NGS: Otto Wittenbach @Etow Vice President of the NGS: Dilvyn Deveral @greygre Secretary to the President: Deshe @WizardWhisper Chief Archivist: Ferek Frostbeard @_Indy Museum Curators Curator of the NGS Flagship Museum: [Vacant] Curator of the NGS Imperial Museum: [Vacant] Division Leaders Chief of Research: @liam Captain of the Exploration Corps: Ash Adalaide @milk Personal Relations Director: Deshe @WizardWhisper ✵ Our Museums ✵ The Northern Geographical Society takes great pride in the upkeep of our public educational institutions. As the original pioneers of museology, we consider the establishment of public museums to be one of the most effective ways of promoting learning and intercultural awareness across the continent. DISCLAIMER: Due to ongoing efforts to renovate our museums, they may not yet be 100% open for several years as we restore our exhibits and pursue further changes for the benefit of our visitors. The NGS Museum of Hanseti-Ruska ~ Karosgrad, Haense ~ The NGS Imperial Museum ~ New Providence, Oren ~ ✵ Joining the Northern Geographical Society ✵ ~+~ A Meeting of the Society’s Circle in Arcas, c. 1770 ~+~ Joining the Society's Circle The Society’s Circle is a brotherhood of equal peers, representative in nature of the three divisions of the NGS. It serves as the governing board of the organization, voting and deliberating on administrative matters, affirming the nomination of new Circle members, and proposing expeditions and programs to undertake for the betterment of the NGS and of Almaris. Every member of it has proven their dedication and loyalty to the values of the Northern Geographical Society in some way, shape, or form. They are all acclaimed in their own right as both adventurers and as academics, although some might be more focused in one area than another. In order to gain admission to the Society’s Circle, you must prove yourself worthy enough to receive a nomination from the President. This can be done either through noteworthy achievements done outside of the NGS, or through several years of service as a member of one of the Society’s divisions. Joining a Division While we take great pride in our status as an academic organization characterized by impartiality and integrity, the Northern Geographical Society also considers itself to be a tightly knit family. We care very greatly for the members of our Society, and we as explorers, academics, and adventurers pull work together to pull our resources so that the mission and vision of the NGS might be realized. There are a number of different ways of getting involved with the Northern Geographical Society, easily suiting whatever amount of time and effort a person wishes to dedicate to our organization. From volunteer tour guides to world esteemed scientists, academics, and mages, we at the NGS value the diffusion and preservation of knowledge in an unbiased and impartial manner that benefits all the Descendant civilizations of Almaris. The easiest way of joining the Society’s Circle is to approach the executive leadership, namely the President of the NGS, about becoming a member of one of the Society’s three divisions. They may choose to render their services in the fields of Research, Exploration, or Personal Relations in whatever manner they see fit. ~ NGS Research Division ~ ~ NGS Exploration Corps ~ ~ NGS Personal Relations ~ To Join one of these divisions of the NGS, please pen a letter to the Office of the President expressing your interest in such.. 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