Drew2_dude

@Pureimp10 THE MULDAV MENACE: THE LIFE OF OTTO-SIGMAR ALIMAR A Portrait of Lord-Regent Otto Alimar c. 313/1760 E.S. As Authored by: Otto Malcolm Gant & Rickon Boris Cheney Published by: Baruch & Kortrevich Publishing Part of the series, “The Grand Haeseni Statesmen” EARLY LIFE Otto-Sigmar Alimar was a man of many faces. His life was a tapestry woven with threads of ambition, resistance, and unyielding resolve. Known for his iron-fisted governance and relentless defiance of imperial dominion, Otto yearned to forge a strong, central power within Haense—a fortress of unity amidst the shifting sands of distant realms. Though his methods were oft-judged harshly, painted in hues of cruelty or ruthlessness, none could deny the fervent love that beat within his chest for the motherland. His devotion to Haense, fierce as a tempest, left a lasting impression on friend and foe alike. Born within the towering walls of the Red City of Markev to Prince Edward Barbanov and Lady Irena Colborn, Otto was of royal blood, though distant from the main family lineage. His early years were filled with childlike chaos, shared with his brothers—Josef-Eimar, his elder; Godfric, his twin; and Georg-Stanimar, the youngest—a brood of wild spirits whose mischief knew no bounds. Together, they plagued the halls of the Krepost palace with pranks and mischievous assaults upon the unsuspecting, their unruly deeds echoing through the corridors like whispers of misfortune. Yet, as time’s passage tempered the wildness of youth, Otto found his path. He took to the training grounds of the Royal Army, his days filled with the clash of steel and the stern discipline of a soldier’s life. Within the confines of the Royal Palace, amidst its stone courtyards and tranquil gardens, he honed his craft, swiftly garnering a name for himself as a man of martial prowess and keen strategic mind. It was amidst these grueling trials that fate dealt him a lasting mark—he lost his sight from one eye, a scar of war that only added to his fearsome reputation. But his fame was not limited to the battlefield alone. Otto-Sigmar also became known for his love of drink, indulging in the wealth of his family’s vast collection of spirits, which was said to be one of the grandest in all of the Empire. His nights, like his battles, were legendary—his thirst for life as insatiable as his love for his homeland. Thus, Otto-Sigmar Alimar’s story began, a tale of iron will, fierce determination, and a legacy that would be remembered long after the final page had been turned in the great saga of the Kingdom of Haense. EXCHEQUER AND WAR OF TWO EMPERORS Following the exodus from Markev and the migration from the old world of Atlas to the new shores of Arcas, Otto and his brothers made their home in the bustling heart of the Kingdom of Haense—the City of Reza. There, they took residence in the noble district that lay beneath the shadow of the Royal Prikaz, as their family’s fortunes continued to rise. Soon after settling into their newfound capital, Otto was met with the loss of his Uncle, the beloved King Robert I. Robert’s crown fell to his young son, Marius II. Though Otto and his brothers were but a few years his senior, the young king looked up to them with admiration. Josef-Eimar, Otto’s elder brother, was bestowed the Grand Principality of Muldav, and together with his kin, was granted the royal privilege of founding a new cadet branch of House Barbanov, now known across the realm as Barbanov-Alimar. In the wake of this, Otto and his two brothers found themselves also honoured within the royal court, receiving positions of influence and authority as Exchequers of the Interior. They were entrusted to counsel the newly crowned Crow King, with Otto-Sigmar often the loudest and most passionate voice among them. His opinions, wielded with force and certainty, frequently swayed the king, shaping the course of Haense’s future. The once light-hearted warrior began to turn his attention towards the affairs of state, his wisdom and pragmatism deepening beyond his youthful years. Yet peace proved fleeting, for not long after their arrival in Reza, the War of Two Emperors erupted like a spark upon dry kindling. The continent was engulfed in chaos, Humanity divided between two great forces. On one side stood the Pertinaxi Empire, despised by Otto and Haense for their ruthless cruelty; on the other, the Orenian Empire under Joseph Marna, a man of ideals who preached liberty and new thought. King Marius II, ever loyal to the cause of freedom, was among the first to pledge his allegiance to Emperor Joseph I, pulling Haense into the Marnan fold. Though Otto and his brothers outwardly supported this alliance, their true ambition lay in shattering the chains of imperial rule altogether. This secret desire for true independence was carefully guarded, revealed only in the private writings of Otto-Sigmar long after the war had come and gone. Otto passionately wrote one entry in his journal, “The yoke of one empire is no lighter than the chains of another. Whether Pertinax or Marnan, we trade but one tyrant for another. Let us not bend our knee to any crown save our own, for Haense was born in the snow and shall stand free in the frost, unbound by the ambitions of men who know not the soul of our land.” Throughout the war, Otto took a prominent role as a military advisor and strategist, standing side by side with Lord Marshal Otto Kortrevich. Together, they led the Haeseni forces in the Marnan Coalition to a resounding victory in the Battle of Upper Rodenberg. Yet that victory proved to be but a fleeting triumph. Against a united Pertinaxi force, the Marnan Coalition found difficulties marshalling its own loosely tied coalition which consisted of bannermen from the Golden Republic of Ves and the Kingdom of Curon. Disunity and poor communication plagued their efforts, leading to the eventual collapse of the Marnan side after the disastrous Siege of Helena. A painting of the Siege of Helena, circa 1716 Despite possessing numerical superiority, the Coalition was repelled at Helena’s walls. The Heartland nations of Ves and Curon, sensing defeat, swiftly defected back to their former overlords, leaving Joseph Marna to flee in the dark of night, abandoning Haense to the mercy of the Pertinaxi Empire. Marius II, steadfast as ever, refused to abandon the Marnan cause even as its other allies crumbled. It was during this period of turmoil that Otto’s younger brother, Georg, a man of pragmatism and compromise, was appointed Lord Palatine, further solidifying the Alimar family’s grip over the kingdom. Yet, with Josef-Eimar’s passing, the mantle of the family fell to his young son Kazimar, though it was Otto who ruled in practice as de facto regent and patriarch. In the halls of power, Otto clashed with King Marius over the future of Haense. Time and again, Otto urged the king to sever ties with Joseph Marna and declare full independence from any empire. He believed that without aligning with either side, Haense might avoid further conflict and be freed from the shackles of imperial domination. Yet Marius II remained resolute in his support of the Marnan cause. Unable to sway the king, Otto and his brother Godfric, along with several disgruntled noble lords—Kortrevich, Baruch, and Stafyr—took matters into their own hands. In secret, they orchestrated a plot, hiring a bastard-born assassin to remove what they saw as the final obstacle to Haense’s freedom: the stubborn war-weary king, Marius II. Following Marius’s death, Otto’s brother Georg was named Lord Regent to the young Crown Prince Andrik, a brash and pudgy youth. With Alimar hands firmly on the reins of power, the Kingdom of Haense finally declared its independence from both the Marnan and Pertinaxi empires, proclaiming itself the Sovereign Kingdom of Hanseti-Ruska. Yet peace remained elusive, and the story took a darker turn not long after. In the dead of night, a band of Dragon Knights, led by the treacherous Ser Rodrik Kortrevich, infiltrated the City of Reza. There they found Georg and Godfric Alimar drinking in a tavern. They were poorly guarded save for the youthful Ser Ulric Vyronov of the Marian Retinue. The brothers were taken to Helena, where they met a gruesome end, executed and paraded through the streets as trophies for the Pertinaxi Empire. Their bodies were burned in effigy, a grotesque mockery celebrated by both Pertinaxi commoners and nobles alike. Ser Ulric, bloodied and beaten, was sent back to Reza, bearing the grim news of the brothers’ deaths and the shame of his own failure to protect them. This tragedy marked the end of Otto-Sigmar’s youthful vigour. The spark of joy that once animated him was extinguished, replaced by a cold stoicism and an all-consuming desire for vengeance. The loss of his brothers, and the betrayal of those who had once stood with Haense, transformed Otto into a figure of sorrow and resolve. Peace was eventually brokered, and Haense was brought back into the Imperial fold bloodied and bowed. Yet Otto did not forgive, nor did the Kingdom of Haense forget. They merely bided their time, waiting patiently for the moment when retribution would finally be at hand. SOLICITOR-GENERAL OF THE EMPIRE Upon the war's end, the once-thriving land of Haense lay shattered, its people compelled to rebuild their realm from its very foundations. Though the Pertinaxi emerged triumphant, the cost of their victory was so profound that their grip faltered, casting the realm into chaos and heralding the search for a new sovereign dynasty. Thus, Emperor Alexander II ascended to the imperial throne, his rise a testament to the ambitious schemes of High Pontiff Daniel VI. In a bold bid to restore order to Oren, the Pontiff circumvented the discord sown by rival claimants Adrian Sarkozic and Charles Alstion, ushering in a new era of uneasy stability. In the year 1725, Otto-Sigmar Alimar was summoned with unexpected urgency to the Imperial Council, joined by the Ayrikiv native Terrence May. Alexander II, seeking to bring Haense into the Imperial fold, appointed Otto to the position of Solicitor-General of Oren. He was charged with the monumental task of revitalising the legal framework of the newly reformed Holy Orenian Empire. His tenure saw the publication of the Orenian Revised Code (ORC), a pivotal work that sought to mend the fractured legal system. However, Otto’s enthusiasm for his role was tempered by a deep-seated scepticism toward the centralising ambitions of the Helena Elite, including figures such as John de Balain, the illegitimate progeny of former Emperor Joseph Marna, and the fiery Adunian Frederick Armas, whose fervent drive sought to curtail the autonomy of Haense’s vassalage. Otto’s disdain for the imperial council’s deliberations grew with each passing day, as he observed his Heartlander counterparts engrossed in the minutiae of procedural formalities and bureaucratic intricacies. His disposition was one of pragmatic decisiveness, accustomed as he was to wielding unilateral authority to implement effective solutions unencumbered by political wrangling. He yearned to return to Haense, where he had envisioned sweeping reforms and strategies to bolster the power of the Crown and its council, and fortify its dominion over the vassals and nobles of his homeland. Otto's tenure as the empire’s chief legal authority was marked by a fierce resistance to radical centralization efforts, often positioning himself as a staunch opponent of Helenan bureaucratic overreach. His efforts to counteract these centralising tendencies earned him both fervent disdain and intense scrutiny from his peers. Despite Emperor Alexander II's appreciation for open discourse, others, like de Balain and Armas, sought to marginalise Otto and May, pushing their agendas with unyielding determination. This conflict echoed a sentiment Otto once penned in his journal: the perils of trading one tyrant for another. By 1731, Alexander II’s claim to the imperial throne was increasingly contested, with his legitimacy undermined by opponents who fabricated the identity of his true-born father. The uncertainty surrounding his rule culminated in his forced exile, orchestrated by Duke Adrian Sarkozic of Adria and Archchancellor John de Balain. In a bold act of defiance and solidarity with the beleaguered emperor, Otto resigned from his position as Solicitor-General, alongside Auditor-General Terrence May. This resignation resonated deeply among the people of Haense, who had rallied in support of Alexander II. A coalition of vassal kingdoms—including Haense, Ves, Curon, and Suffonia—united in their refusal to recognize Adrian Sarkozic's ascension to the throne. Instead, they compelled him to accept the role of Lord Protector, a position that would hold only until a new emperor could be duly chosen. RETURN TO HAENSE AS LORD MARSHAL Upon his resignation from the imperial cabinet, Otto-Sigmar made his return to the familiar lands of Haense, forsaking the loathsome streets of Helena. There, in the once-proud capital of the empire, as in Reza, the hammers of laborers struck, and the old walls of the Pertinaxi crumbled beneath the weight of time and new ambition. Helena sought to craft itself anew in the image of the Johannian line, bearing the standard of the long-vanquished Marnan cause. Though Otto’s heart had ever beat in distaste for his days among the Heartlanders, those bitter years were not without their merits. In that den of politics and perfidy, he gleaned the wisdom of courtly intrigue and diplomacy, a skill once deftly wielded by his late brother, now sharpened in Otto’s hands. He returned to Haense not as the man who had left, but as one tempered by the treacherous schemes of the capital, eyes afire with new purpose. In the resplendent streets of New Reza, which rose from the ashes like a phoenix reborn, Otto-Sigmar was resolute in his vision—to return his house to its former glory. The shadow of his brother's untimely passing seemed to drive him, urging him toward the heights of power, where he might reshape the sovereignty of Haense in the face of shifting imperial tides. Upon the conclusion of the War of the Two Emperors, Lord Marshal Otto Kortrevich found himself unjustly dismissed from his position, a casualty of mounting pressure orchestrated by Otto-Sigmar. Harboring ambitions to ascend to the role himself, Otto-Sigmar maneuvered behind the scenes, his influence eroding Kortrevich's standing. With the Marshal's abrupt removal, the kingdom's martial sector fell into disarray, a hollowed vestige of its former might, desperately seeking leadership. Seizing the moment, Otto-Sigmar was appointed Lord Marshal by King Andrik III, where he swiftly set to work, restoring order and solidifying his family's influence within Haense’s ranks. Coat of Arms of the Brotherhood of Saint Karl Central to his efforts was a policy that outlawed the raising of noble levies, replacing the fractured, feudal system with a single, unified military order under his command. This move was met with both fervent support from the few Haeseni centralists and staunch opposition from many feudal lords, such as House Baruch, who openly resisted his demands. Otto believed that the burgeoning middle class and rising mercantile families held the true future of the kingdom in their hands—dynamic forces who had earned their positions through hard toil and shrewd dealings. In contrast, the nobility, bloated with inherited titles, seemed to him relics of a bygone age, resting on the laurels of their forebears. Their failure to defend Haense from imperial forces during the War of Two Emperors shaped his belief that they were unfit to safeguard the kingdom’s future. Otto waged a war of words, threats, and negotiations to quell the storm of noble unrest. The centralizing measures that he had despised the Empire for were now the very tools he used to strengthen the Haeseni crown and central government, though the irony of this eluded him. To Otto, such measures were not born of tyranny but of necessity, a harsh yet essential balm to heal the wounds of a fractured nation. By the year 1725, Otto had founded the Brotherhood of Saint Karl (BSK), a new order that replaced the old Haeseni Royal Army. Under his diligent oversight, recruitment surged, and the ranks of both infantry and cavalry swelled to heights unseen in recent memory. From 1726 to 1728, Otto directed the construction of Fort Korstadt and Fort Reinmar, mighty bastions of defense that stood sentinel over Haense’s borders. These strongholds were entrusted to the hands of veteran commanders, former Lord Marshal Baron Otto Kortrevich and Baron Wilheim Barclay. After four years of guiding the kingdom's martial forces, Otto-Sigmar, with no small measure of satisfaction, passed the mantle of Marshal to Ser Wilheim Barclay, the newly enfeoffed Baron of Freising. Though he stepped away from military command, his influence endured through his role as Exchequer of the Interior, where he continued to steer Haense’s destiny with a steady hand. Using both his position in government and his seat in the Royal Duma, Otto relentlessly pushed for policies that bolstered the central authority of the crown, systematically eroding the power of the nobles, whom he now saw as a reactionary force, no longer vital to the kingdom's prosperity. FAMILY AND RUBERN WAR 1740-1760 During this turbulent chapter, Otto-Sigmar endeavored to restore his house as the preeminent family among the Haeseni nobility, seeking to wield the reins of power as they had just a few decades ago. The loss of his brothers to the Dragon Knights weighed heavily upon him—losses that Otto came to believe were not born of misfortune alone but treachery. Whispers of conspiracy darkened his thoughts, particularly those surrounding the Vyronovs and their alleged machinations to oust his brother Georg from his position following the rise of Lerald, who had been passed over for Palatine and Regent in favor of the Alimars due to their blood ties with Marius II. Centuries later, the Vyronov Conspiracy Files of 473 E.S., unveiled by King Georg I and the Otto Gant Chancellery, would reveal the shadowed hand of the Vyronovs in a scheme to diminish the Alimar influence. Thus, Otto believed, Haense was left vulnerable, the dynasty weakened, the power of the Alimars diminished when they might have steered the kingdom away from imperial dominance. In the wake of his tenure as Lord Marshal, Otto-Sigmar's ambitions persisted as he returned to his post as Exchequer of the Interior. Here, with tireless determination, he sought to align his house once more with the royal family, weaving the influence of the Alimars into the very fabric of Haeseni governance. Kazimar, his nephew, who had once been under Otto's regency, did not enjoy his uncle’s favor. Otto openly derided him for allowing the prestige of the Alimars to wither, reducing them from princely heights to little more than a noble family adrift, resting upon past laurels. The younger generation of Alimars, to Otto’s mind, had grown indolent, and the legacy they carried seemed to him in dire need of revival. Otto wrote about Kazimar in his journal saying, “In the quiet of my chamber, I ponder the disheartening state of the Alimar name. How can Kazimar, scion of royal blood, so wilfully forsake the legacy that binds us to the Barbanovs? The Alimars are not mere pretenders but an extension of the royal line, bearing the same blood that courses through the veins of the Crowned Crows. Yet here we stand, our honor diminished by his neglect. If he will not uphold our legacy, then I shall take it upon myself to restore what he has let fall to ruin.” With a shrewd mind for politics, Otto-Sigmar took it upon himself to orchestrate key alliances through marriage, further consolidating his family's position. Rather than leaving such matters to Kazimar, Otto arranged for his daughter Kamila to be wed to House Barclay, his niece Winnifred to House Kortrevich, and his son to take a wife from the venerable House Stafyr. These unions, carefully calculated, were intended to bind the Alimars to powerful and influential families within Haense, ensuring that their legacy would endure and their influence would be felt for generations. In doing so, Otto secured not only his house’s future but also reaffirmed his dominance over the affairs of his family, overshadowing Kazimar’s authority and asserting that the revival of the Alimars would be his work alone. Thus, with each calculated marriage, Otto tightened his grip upon the noble landscape of Haense, rebuilding the influence that had once seemed lost and placing his house once more at the forefront of Haeseni politics. It was around this time that the Rubern War ignited, a conflict that would embroil Otto and his house once more in the tides of fate. To understand this, one must return to the War of Two Emperors and the subsequent Haeseni capitulation. In defeat, Haense had been forced, by the Treaty of Reza, to cede a swath of land near the Leuven River to the Pertinaxi. This territory, a buffer between the Imperial Crownlands and Haense, would later be granted to Prince Vladrick Alimar, Otto-Sigmar's fiery-tempered nephew, and his Black Reiter Company, a fearsome band of sellswords. With the collapse of the Pertinax dynasty and the rise of tensions under Lord Protector Adrian Sarkozy, the mercenary province of Rubern, under Vladrick's command, became a staunch opponent of imperial rule. Yet even as they defied the empire, Rubern did not align itself with Haense, for mistrust had festered between the two. When Haense discovered deserters from the Brotherhood of Saint Karl seeking refuge in Rubern, and the principality offered them protection, it sparked open conflict between Haense and the burgeoning independent state. A painting of the walls of Rubern, circa 1745 Thus was born the Alliance of Independent States (AIS), led by Rubern and Morsgrad, a union of former imperial vassals and disgruntled factions. Some of Otto’s own kin, tempted by the prospect of vengeance and freedom from the empire, flocked to Prince Vladrick's banner. Yet this placed them in direct opposition to Haense—the very heart of Otto’s loyalty. Furious at what he deemed the ultimate betrayal of blood and home, Otto, alongside his sons Godfric and Georg—named in honor of his fallen brothers—mounted pressure upon Grand Prince Kazimar, whose reluctance to sever ties with Rubern threatened the stability of the realm. The strain proved to be too great for Kazimar, who, unwilling to disown his brother Vladrick and his kin, abdicated the princely mantle to Otto-Sigmar rather than face the prospect of civil strife. With the title of Grand Prince of Muldav now in hand, Otto swiftly disowned and condemned Rubern, forever casting out his rebellious kin. When war erupted, Otto-Sigmar once more took up arms as a military advisor and strategist, working alongside Knight Paramount and Field Marshal Ser Nikolaus Kortrevich, for Haense and the Empire, defending the kingdom from the Ruberni and their allies. He led Haense to a critical victory at the Battle of Hangman’s Bridge, a triumph that bolstered the kingdom’s resolve. Success followed against the Archduchy of Suffonia, another AIS member, as Haense continued to hold its ground while the wider Empire faltered in the face of the Ruberni and Morsgradi forces. For decades the war dragged on, testing the endurance of all. One by one, the nations of the AIS withdrew, their strength sapped by years of attrition. In time, the tide of conflict ebbed away, and the Empire claimed victory through sheer perseverance. Yet even in defeat, Rubern, still under the disowned Alimar rule, remained defiant until the end. When peace was finally brokered, it was to Haense—not the Empire—that Rubern surrendered, ceding back the land that had once divided them. This act, however, sowed discord with the Imperial Crownlands, for they viewed Haense’s reclamation of the territory as a slight, a breach of the Treaty of Reza, which had originally surrendered that land to the Empire. Thus, even in victory, the seeds of conflict were sown anew. LORD-REGENT AND PALATINE OF HAENSE In the twilight years of the Rubern War, scattered skirmishes and bitter tensions still plagued the lands between the dwindling forces of the AIS and the Orenian Empire. The embers of conflict flared most fiercely through Rubern and Haense, where the enemies’ borders were but a breath apart. Though his years had weighed upon him, Otto-Sigmar stood ever at the heart of Haeseni governance, his counsel valued in both war and statecraft. He lent his wisdom as an advisor to young King Andrik IV, the son of Andrik III, who had met his untimely death in a tragic boar hunting accident. Andrik IV’s reign was no longer than a fleeting sigh, for he too fell victim to violence—slain by the hands of desperate settlers and unruly vagabonds, caught between the fires of Rubern and Haense. In a vain attempt to secure an end to the war, they sought to capture Andrik's wife, Queen Maya. Yet, amidst the ensuing struggle, Andrik was mortally wounded, and his light was extinguished but a few days later. Thus the crown fell to Sigismund II, a boy of but five summers, leaving the realm rudderless and vulnerable. In the wake of the king’s demise, Tiberius Barrow, the Knight Paramount and closest confidant of the late sovereign, was named Lord-Regent at the behest of the grieving Queen-Mother. Tiberius, though valiant in heart, was ill-suited for the intricate machinations of court and kingdom, and he swiftly turned to Otto-Sigmar, the aged yet shrewd statesman, to serve as his Lord Palatine. But the appointment of Otto-Sigmar, long seen by many of Haense's nobility as a power-hungry villain, stirred unrest. Whispers of discontent rose like dark clouds over the kingdom, as noble houses—resentful of Otto’s centralizing reforms and his antagonism toward their feudal rights—murmured of rebellion. For the time, however, the storm was stayed. Tiberius, with his regency untainted by ambition, tempered the influence of the older statesman, restraining Otto's more audacious designs. Yet, fate would have its say, and a cruel twist saw the downfall of Tiberius. On a fateful hunting expedition, the Regent fell into the clutches of Ruberni marauders within the shadowy depths of the Graiswald Pine Barrens. Seized and brought to Rubern, he met a grim fate—executed before rescue could arrive. With Tiberius gone, the burden of leadership now lay fully upon Otto-Sigmar’s shoulders. As the most senior statesman and closest kin to the young Sigismund II, he ascended to the role of Lord-Regent and Palatine in full measure, much to the dismay of the lords who saw in him a grave threat to their ancient rights. Otto’s first appearance in the Duma as Lord-Regent marked the beginning of a new era of strife. Representing the Crown, he did not mince his words. He called upon the nobility to provide men from their families to serve in the Brotherhood of Saint Karl, urging them to fulfill their duty to the realm rather than using them as unofficial levies, which Otto saw as a shadowy defiance of the levies’ ban. His words, sharp as a blade, cut deeply into the pride of the lords, accusing them of idleness as the war trudged on without end. But it was not his martial demands alone that stoked the flames of mutiny. Otto enacted sweeping land reforms and imposed new regulations, requiring feudal lords to seek his approval for renovations and construction upon their fiefs. He called upon them to aid in rebuilding and connecting the kingdom’s infrastructure, marred as it was by the ravages of war. Moreover, Otto-Sigmar sought to strip cadet branches of noble families of their undue privileges, tightening the grip of the Crown upon its vassals. The final blow came when he questioned the right of these cadet branches to hold seats in the Royal Duma, declaring that only recognized vassals should bear such authority. Such measures ignited a firestorm of resentment among the noble houses. In secret, they gathered in the halls of Valwyck, the seat of House Baruch, long an adversary of Otto. There, under the auspices of Duke Petyr Baruch, the Valwyck Pact was forged—a solemn accord binding House Barclay, led by Count Erwin of Reinmar, House Ruthern, ruled by Count Siguine of Metterden, House Vanir, steered by Lord Henrik of Vasiland, and their respective cadet branches. The lords and their vassals pledged a mutual defense, united against what they perceived as Otto’s tyrannical overreach and ambition. A painting of the signing of the Valwyck Pact, circa. 1755 The proclamation issued by the Valwyck Pact struck with the force of a thunderbolt. The Pact lords declared Otto-Sigmar a self-serving despot, accusing him of subverting the will of the Crown to advance his own ambition. They condemned his unlawful regulation of noble lands, his attempts to strip noble families of their cadet branches, and his brazen disregard for their ancient rights. In the closing lines of their missive, the Pact issued a stark demand: "We, the loyal vassals of the Crown and the protectors of the Haeseni people, do hereby call upon Lord-Regent Otto-Sigmar to relinquish his regency and step down from his office, that the true heirs of Haense may rise and restore justice to this realm." Though no open threat was made if he were not to resign, the stage was set for rebellion, with the realm teetering upon the edge of civil strife. In response, Otto-Sigmar summoned his allies—the centralists and members of his own family—to weigh the course of the kingdom’s future. Though his heart burned with desire to crush the dissenting lords, wisdom tempered his hand. He knew that the fires of rebellion would consume Haense if stoked too rashly. Thus, he called for peace, inviting Duke Petyr and his allies to council, where they might parley and avert disaster. During the tense meeting, as the Queen-Mother passionately defended her son's legacy and the throne's sanctity, Lord Emerich Gant cut in sharply, his voice laced with frustration, “Your Majesty, no one here bears ill will toward the boy nor seeks to tear down the house of Barbanov. Our quarrel lies with the Lord Regent and his overreach, not with the Crown. It is not threats to your son we utter, but safeguards for his future. Perhaps you would better serve the realm by stepping aside from this matter—lest your interjection cause more strife where none need be.” As the room simmered with the tension of Emerich Gant's rebuke, Margrave Henrik Vanir turned his gaze upon Otto-Sigmar, his voice calm but carrying the weight of his conviction. “Lord Regent, there is a reason the crown is bestowed by divine right—because it is meant for those born to rule, not for those who seize it by circumstance. When a man not ordained by birth takes the mantle of authority alone, he risks letting that power corrupt his judgement. We follow the rightful King, not the whims of those who would overstep their bounds.” With these words, the meeting's fragile truce shattered, and it became clear that reconciliation might be further out of reach than ever. In a final bid for resolution, Otto met Duke Petyr Baruch alone, seeking to strike a compromise. After long hours of negotiation, they reached a fragile accord. Otto conceded certain reforms, agreeing not to deny construction projects or strip noble families of their long-held prerogatives. In return, the Valwyck Pact affirmed his legitimacy as Lord-Regent and granted him the authority to govern, so long as it was wielded with restraint. The laws of the realm would be clarified, the rights of nobility codified with help from a Valwyck Pact representative, and the Regency would endure. As a token of goodwill—and perhaps to ensure his continued influence—Otto offered to name Duke Petyr as Palatine-Aspirant, the likely successor to his office. Though it galled him to do so, for he held no love for the man who had so boldly challenged him, Otto knew that securing peace required sacrifice. During his tenure as Palatine, Otto-Sigmar further fortified the Crown's position by establishing the Haeseni Fur & Trade Company. This state-run enterprise, designed to bolster the kingdom's economy and fill the royal coffers, often did so at the expense of small, family-run mercantile businesses. Its monopoly on the trade of prized furs and valuable goods left many in the realm grumbling, yet Otto saw it as a necessary measure to enhance the kingdom’s power. Through the company’s rise, the Crown reaped great profits, securing its strength and further consolidating authority over Haense's economy and its merchants. With the immediate threat of internal strife pacified, the kingdom was allowed a momentary reprieve from the fires of discontent. Though the internal matters subsided, the air remained thick with an unspoken trepidation, but the kingdom was united once again in confronting the foreign threats that loomed on the horizon; the relationship with the Empire. IMPERIAL RELATIONS Though Otto-Sigmar's hand had long been felt in the dealings with the Empire, from his days of service under Marius II during the War of Two Emperors, to his esteemed role as Solicitor-General beneath the reign of Alexander II, and even upon his return after the coup d'état by de Balain and Adrian Sarkozy, his fervour grew with time. He had even advised King Andrik III and later his son, King Andrik IV, to take an unyielding stance against the Empire whenever opportunity allowed. While in the earlier decades of his service he was but a forceful voice, his power as Lord Regent and Palatine now rumbled louder and fiercer than ever before, shaking the very foundation of Haense's delicate ties with the Empire. For generations, the Helenan bureaucrats and the Imperial court had been a thorn in Haense’s side, yet men of temperance and compromise sought to caulk the growing chasm, staving off open conflict. They saw the Empire not as an ally but as a necessary evil, believing cooperation preferable to hostility, for the kingdom still bore the deep scars of the War of Two Emperors and the protracted Rubern War. The taste for bloodshed was all but lost, yet beneath the surface, resentment brewed at a furious pace. Statesmen such as Terrence May, Otto’s friend and contemporary, treaded carefully, picking their battles with the Empire, ever mindful of the greater good. But with Otto-Sigmar, every skirmish with the Imperial crown was worth waging, every slight a challenge to be answered with unyielding defiance. Where others sought compromise, Otto-Sigmar saw surrender. His philosophy was simple and unwavering—give the Empire no ground, not even a single inch. This unrelenting stance was most apparent when he boldly contested the Empire’s attempts to levy taxes upon Haeseni vassals. With unwavering pride, he declared that such taxation should fall upon Haense itself and not the lords under its banner. When the Empire sought to unite its forces into a single, centralised military, Otto countered by reforming the Brotherhood of Saint Karl into the Haeseni Royal Army, overshadowing their imperial effort, and reaffirming Haense’s martial independence. As Sigismund II came of age, the fire of Otto’s hatred for the Empire burned in the heart of the young king. Otto remained at Sigismund’s side as Palatine, and together they further frayed the threads binding Haense to the Empire. They issued kingdom-wide travel warnings against the capital of Helena, cautioning their subjects from attending imperial balls, funerals, and courtly affairs after an incident where Peter III set the Haeseni family palace ablaze in a fit of rage following the death of the Queen-Mother Maya. The isolation grew, and as Otto and Sigismund quietly engaged in foreign diplomacy with the high elves of Haelun'or and the dwarves of Urguan, it became clear that they sought to forge alliances strong enough to stand against the Empire, should the time come. A painting of Emperor Peter III, circa 1778 Yet none stirred the hatred in Otto’s heart more than Emperor Peter III. The Emperor, with his cabal of autocrats such as Frederick Armas, Joseph Clement, and Hugo Wright, who sought to tighten the Empire's grip on Haense, believing that further centralization would subdue the unruly vassal. Their dispute grew most heated over the issue of the Rubern lands. After the Haeseni reclaimed the territory following its surrender, Otto-Sigmar resolved to claim it once more for his family—lands that had been lost during the Rubern War. Upon abdicating to his grandson, Prince Josef Alimar, Otto’s act was met with fierce opposition from the Helenan elite. They claimed that the land should rightfully return to House de Falstaff, though the family had long vanished after the War of Two Emperors from Haense, when Ves and Curon fell to cowardice, flipping to the Pertinaxi side. Otto, undeterred, stood firm beside Sigismund II and declared to the Imperial court that if they desired the land, they would have to take it by force, writing in a letter to the House of Lords following their opposition to his act,”If the House of Lords thinks to seize Rubern for a forgotten family, let them make the attempt. But understand this—Haeseni lands are not begged for, nor will they be handed over to imperial lackeys. If you want them, come and take them by the sword, for no decree nor title will wrest them from our grasp.” This bold defiance stirred the hearts of the Haeseni nobility and inflamed their growing resentment toward the Empire’s meddling. The Imperial government, not wishing to stoke another civil war, begrudgingly relented, though the bitterness between the two powers only deepened. As Otto's tenure as Lord Palatine and Regent pressed on, relations with the Empire deteriorated beyond repair. Haense, now more self-assured than ever, saw itself not as a mere vassal but as a sovereign realm, no longer in need of Imperial interference, nor eager to remain beneath its yoke. Thus, under Otto-Sigmar's iron hand, the kingdom of Haense embraced its growing independence, and the ties that once bound them to the Empire began to fray into oblivion. Centuries later, long after the echoes of Otto-Sigmar’s deeds had faded into legend, the veil of secrecy surrounding his rule was lifted with the declassification of the “Muldav Files”. Unsealed by the Otto Gant Chancellery during the reign of King Georg I, these records revealed a carefully orchestrated strategy that spanned years, aimed at manipulating imperial relations in favor of Haense's ascendancy. It was uncovered that much of Haense’s antagonistic stance towards the Empire had been methodically directed by Otto-Sigmar, his every maneuver calculated to weaken Oren's grip and secure Haense's sovereignty. His shadow loomed large over these clandestine operations, painting a portrait of a mastermind who sought to steer his kingdom into direct defiance of the Empire’s overreach. Among his enemies within the Imperial court, Otto-Sigmar had earned a chilling moniker—The Muldav Menace. They saw in him not just a statesman, but a sinister puppeteer, pulling the strings of Haense’s resistance with a deliberate intent to turn the kingdom from an Imperial vassal into an enemy state. His adversaries regarded him as an instigator of chaos, a figure whose name would be etched in infamy for his relentless pursuit of Haeseni independence at any cost. THE END OF THE MULDAV MENACE Even the most stubborn of constitutions succumb to age. Otto-Sigmar had begun to show cognitive decline according to many within his close circle. In his last weeks, he had become wracked with dementia and lost sight due to cataracts. Otto-Sigmar struggled to read his correspondence and became increasingly reliant on his orphan servant, Klaus von Orange, to read his mail. During one episode of his eroding cognitive faculties, Otto-Sigmar mistakenly fell into a bout of aggression and mistakenly took Klaus for a Renatian soldier. In a fit of incoherence, he pushed Klaus off of the palace roof and onto a corner of the city wall. The fall rendered the boy paralyzed from the waist-down and permanently confined him to a wheelchair. During his final weeks, Otto-Sigmar had slowly deteriorated, refusing his meals and visitations from even his closest associates. His attendants heard him quietly muttering in the late hours of the night. News of Otto-Sigmar’s declining health was kept far from public view. His son, Benedict (formerly George Lothar Alimar), Bishop of Petrovic, was called back from his pilgrimage to perform the sacramental last rites for his ailing father. On a sunny Morrivi day in 1764, the Muldav Menace slipped into eternal repose. Presiding over the funeral, Bishop Benedict said of his father, “He was a man with many faults. But his imperfections made him the man he was. For all of his controversies, not one soul can deny his commitment to heart and to home. And so my friends, we gather in the holy sanctuary of God with the saints as witness to commend the spirit of Otto-Sigmar, a servant above all else, and a father who strove to bring this kingdom’s posterity to greater glory. May Mother Moon watch over him.” Hundreds of guests attended his funeral, paying their respects to a man so reviled and yet so championed by the many Haeseni who shared his vision for an independent and prosperous realm.

@Piov THE POWDERED PEACOCK: THE LIFE OF TERRENCE MAY A Portrait of Sir Terrence May c. 298/1745 E.S. As Authored by: Otto Malcolm Gant & Holly Roddam Published by: Baruch & Kortrevich Publishing Part of the series, “The Grand Haeseni Statesmen” EARLY LIFE Born in Carolustadt in 1692, Terrence May was brought up in a bygone era. Life was difficult under the reigning imperial dynasty of Renatus, the Pertinaxi. He came of age in a period marked by constant war, corruption, and political unrest. When he was an infant, May’s parents fled to Markev, the mighty Red City. It was in the noble realm of Haense that they found respite, thriving as modest cobblers. The virtues of patriotism and an unwavering faith in Haeseni ideals were tenderly instilled in him, becoming the guiding stars of his destined path. May found solace in the embrace of the County of Ayr, nestled under the guidance of House Baruch, stalwart vassals of the Kingdom of Haense. Here, amidst the thriving commerce of the fishermen's trade that breathed life into Ayr, May's younger years were marked by his eloquence as an orator, fostering bonds of enduring camaraderie within Ayr's rich tapestry of life. His collegial relationship with the Baruch family flourished, notably bonding with the young Count Sigmar Baruch and the astute Lord Regent Marius Baruch. A pivotal turning point emerged when the Baruch family became his patrons, thus paving the way for his scholarly pursuits at the renowned St. Charles University in the year 1711.Though he initially embarked upon the study of dentistry, his passions soon swayed towards the profound realms of political philosophy. It was here that the seeds of revolution found fertile ground in May's convictions, inspired by the Josephite Liberties movement that set ablaze the War of Two Emperors. This ideological metamorphosis shaped May's political destiny, impressing a legacy that traversed the annals of human political history, bearing the indelible imprints of his fervent beliefs and impassioned advocacy for a better world than the one he had known. After completing his university education, May returned to the County of Ayr where he helped form the Coastline Fishermen’s Guild, a union of longshoremen and fishermen. The fishing industry, once a vital node of Haeseni commerce, had fallen into obscurity and was often not seen as a major power bloc. May believed in advancing broader workers’ reforms. He aspired for the County to become a beacon of Haeseni maritime labor, advocating for subsidies for seafood, the expansion of marine claims and Haeseni fishing rights, and access to the central Orenian markets. By the mid-1710s, May was deeply engaged in crafting a local manifesto, a compilation of these various reforms, outlining the urgent changes he deemed necessary for his fellow workers and envisioning the potential for sweeping reform across the kingdom. Intrigued by these issues, Count Sigmar Baruch summoned May for an audience in which they discussed the proposals at length. The Count, recognizing the robust potential of May’s plan, saw it as a means to reinvigorate the industrial and, more importantly, the political weight of House Baruch. By the early 1720s, Count Sigmar had commissioned May to represent the House of Baruch in the Duma, where they sought to elevate Ayr’s visibility and enhance the profile of the hinterland. Thus, May embarked upon this grand endeavor, wielding his vision like a beacon, guiding the County towards a new era of prominence and reform. ENTRY INTO HAENSE & IMPERIAL POLITICS When May returned to Reza, he was awestruck by the rapid urban changes. In the span of a mere decade, the city had undergone profound transitions since his days as a student at St. Charles University. Those lofty ideals he had once espoused as a young scholar were now to be tested within the hallowed halls of the Haeseni legislature. The Duma was, at first, a daunting environment for the new county representative. The nobility and their delegations seemed at odds with his own priorities, each vying for recognition and titular advancement, while he arrived eager to engage debate on a host of urgent and tangible issues facing those like his fellow fishermen in Ayr. However, within this formidable assembly, he found great allies among the Feudalist benches, a faction of nobility dedicated to dispersing central authority to better address the needs of Haense’s vast regional and social topography. His political participation soon became a forceful presence. Not long after his entry into Duma politics, he was favored to lead the Opposition benches, a position from which he scrutinized what he believed to be an increasingly idle and out-of-touch Aulic government. Although his time as the County of Ayr’s representative lasted just shy of five years, May’s impassioned rhetoric and stances garnered ire just as much as it did praise, earning recognition from his peers and the attention from dignitaries outside of Haense’s borders. A painting of the Royal Duma, circa 1727 In 1725, duty beckoned from the newly reformed Orenian empire, now under the aegis of the Imperial dynasty de Joannes.Emperor Alexander II, in his wisdom, summoned May to the grand city of Helena, once the seat of the now-defunct Renatian Empire, with the prospect of serving in the Imperial Council. During their meeting, the Emperor was said to have been captivated by May’s motivations to bridge the chasm with Haense’s hinterland populace. Upon his arrival at the gates of Helena, May beheld the vestiges of what had once been the grand seat of the Pertinaxi tyrants. Despite the ascendancy of de Joannes regime, the gaudy purple dragon still adorned the city's stony walls, a remnant of the dark and recent past. It must have been a curious sensation for May, to be summoned to serve within the very halls that once housed the Imperial dynasty that he was raised to regard with such contempt. Here, amidst the echoes of the recent past, he was to embark upon a new chapter, bridging past enmities with the promise of service to the new order. May's rise to prominence within the corridors of power in Helena stand as a testament to his unyielding acumen and steadfast dedication. Personally summoned by Emperor Alexander II to serve as the esteemed Auditor-General, May found himself thrust into a pivotal role during a tumultuous era marked by the collapse of the Pertinaxi Dynasty and the consequent emergence of a nascent Empire that sought to mend the scars wrought by the harrowing War of Two Emperors. In this new chapter, he alongside Prince Otto-Sigmar Alimar, the Solicitor General, contributed significantly in developing the framework for the revitalized Empire. Despite divergent views on Haeseni governance between Otto and May, a bond of camaraderie was forged, rooted in a shared skepticism towards centralizing authority within the Empire, advocating fervently for increased autonomy for vassals like Haense. As the Auditor-General, May orchestrated a monumental reform of the imperial archives, meticulously restoring vital records and crafting the defining ethos of the burgeoning Empire. May’s crowning achievement, while collaborating with Otto-Sigmar, lay in the formulation of the seminal Oren Revised Code, a legal codex that delineated the governance of Oren's diverse vassals. Yet, May’s tenure was not without its trials. encountering vehement opposition from entrenched Heartlander centralizers like Sir Frederick Armas, an advocate for a homogenized Imperial authority who vilified and scorned Haeseni autonomy and culture. Armas's controversial decisions included renaming positions within the cabinet, such as May's role to Chairman of the Board of Notaries, which drew ire for its perceived superfluous bureaucracy and encroachment on established traditions. May's tenure within the Imperial Council as Auditor General, or rather as 'Chairman of the Board of Notaries', was marked by unwavering commitment and a principled stance, yet his departure heralded a chapter of resistance and aversion. His resignation, in concert with his Haeseni counterpart Otto-Sigmar, resounded as a bold protest against the brazen and illegitimate machinations that plagued the Imperial palace since the days of the Pertinax. The unlawful coup, orchestrated by villainous schemers—such as the bastard son of Emperor Joseph Marna, the duplicitous Arch-Chancellor John de Balain, and the power-hungry Duke of Adria, Adrian Sarkozic—was a vile conspiracy aimed at destabilizing the Empire by forcibly exiling Alexander II. Despite their ostensible claims of legitimacy as mere "Lord Protectors," their designs to seize power reverberated across the Imperial vassals—Haense, Curon, Kaedrin, and the Archduchy of Suffonia—spawning fierce opposition and open defiance. May's resignation thus stood as a testament to his steadfast adherence to principled governance and the sanctity of the Empire's established order. Moreover, his departure from Helena starkly illuminated the frailty of Imperial authority and the resolute spirit of those who refused to bend to the capricious whims of power-hungry, would-be usurpers. RETURN TO HAENSE & TENURE AS LORD PALATINE In the year 1731, May returned to Haense, yearning to escape the tangled web of intrigue and the treacherous confines of Helena. Yet, the political arena was not through with him. In 1732, the influential former Regent and Lord Palatine Lerald Vyronov of Graiswald had died. In the wake of his death and with the instabilities and chaos within Oren, King Andrik III sought an experienced politician to navigate Haeseni relations with their Imperial counterparts. Despite any personal reluctance to serve, he would not refuse his monarch’s call to head the Aulic government in an increasingly uncertain and urgent moment. Upon his appointment, May faced his inaugural session of the Duma, now at the helm of the Haeseni government.Whereas his fiery rhetoric in the Opposition had gained him renown, he now bore the heavy mantle of advancing policy. His maiden address heralded a bold initiative, the Omnibus Budget of 1732, which sought to allocate thousands of mina towards the Library, the Brotherhood of Saint Karl’s military equipment, and to city rebuilding efforts in areas still neglected from the ravages of prior battles along the peripheries of the Haeseni capital. His ambitious proposal was met with scorn, dismissed by many as a potentially ruinous strain on the kingdom's coffers. His most vociferous critic was the then Leader of the Opposition, Siegmund Corbish, who also served in the Aulic Government as Lord Seneschal. Corbish fiercely debated May on the effectiveness of the spending and dismissed what he believed was personal reproach by the Lord Palatine for the Seneschal’s lack of progress in urban renewal efforts. The Omnibus Bill met its downfall when the final count of the chamber rejected it by a narrow margin of two votes. Following this, May called for the Seneschal’s resignation, citing his negligence and his role in endangering vital government functions, and appointed the loyalist Rhaegar Barclay in his stead. Seizing on the defeat, May wasted no time to blame the Opposition and the benches who supported the rejection of the bill in his next Chancellor’s Report to the kingdom. In it, he decried the Duma’s failure to secure funding for the library and the military as a grievous dereliction by Corbish and the nobility. May also announced the closure of the library and appealed directly to the Haeseni people to rally support for his government’s objectives. This was notably one of the first moments the Office of the Palatine became used to appeal directly to the people. Frustrated by what he perceived as the insufferable obstinacy of Corbish, May famously declared in a heated Duma debate, “He can lead a protest; I’m leading a kingdom.” If domestic affairs proved to be a challenge to May’s political agenda, external commitments proved equally formidable. Shortly after taking residence at the Palatine’s office on 10 Stanimar St, May received a missive from the new Imperial Arch-Chancellor, Cardinal Peter of Helena. The prelate was a formidable counterpart with ambitions toward revitalising the Imperial government’s approach and relations in the aftermath of the villainous palace coup that had ousted the de Joannes regime. The Imperial Arch-Chancellor was eager to re-establish relations with Haense and cement much needed rapport with the North. Both men, recognizing the necessity of mutual peace and stability, agreed that the key lay in infrastructure. Through a series of negotiations in Helena and Reza, they struck an accord known as the Northern Ferry Canal Agreement. The deal called for a large canal project to connect Lake Helena with Lake Milena. A joint Oren-Haense commission would be established to oversee the project and to regulate the movement of passenger marine and commercial vessels. It also called for taxing foreign vessels and maintaining a free-trade zone to facilitate the flow of goods and people between the Imperial and Haense crownlands. The deal signified a modernised infrastructure plan that culturally symbolised the normalising of Imperial order and a commitment toward increased integration. Yet, despite mutual sentiment between the two heads of government and assurances by both men to confirm the passage of the deal in their respective legislatures, sceptics in the Duma remained obdurate. Criticisms by his old colleague Otto-Sigmar alleged that the deal threatened to undermine Haense’s geographical integrity and sovereignty. The Leader of the Opposition Siegmund Corbish raised concerns about the amount of manpower and funding that would be diverted from the kingdom when other projects remained unresolved. The final vote sealed the fate of the canal, and more notably, May’s future as the Lord Palatine. After suffering a resounding defeat, May sought an audience with King Andrik III to tender his resignation. Although a promising figure, it seemed that May’s tenure could not actualize his ambitions nor find consensus in a Duma that was intensely polarised. THE IMPERIAL SENATE: 1736-1764 “The power of the President pro tempore is awesome. Awesome.” -Terrence May in an interview with the Golden Crow Chronicles, 1747 In the wake of a challenging tenure as Palatine of the Crown, Terrence May's political reprieve proved fleeting. The year 1736 bore witness to a transformative age in Imperial governance, spearheaded by Sir Frederick Armas's proposal for the establishment of the Imperial State Senate. This endeavor to redistribute power from the Emperor to a more representative body, inspired by the burgeoning spirit of Josephite liberties, gave rise to an unprecedented institution designed to “modernize” the Empire. In its inaugural session, the Senate assembled representatives from the Empire’s principal vassal regions—Helena, Curon, Kaedrin, and Haense—each sending two senators to form a council of eight distinguished members. The Vice Chancellor of the Empire, in their pivotal role as presiding officer, was endowed with the crucial function of casting a tie-breaking vote in instances of deadlock. Despite May's yearning for respite following his prior political endeavours, the call of duty rang anew. King Andrik III of Haense, ever perceptive to the value of May’s political and diplomatic acumen, deemed his services essential in navigating the tumultuous corridors of Imperial politics. Thus, May found himself partnered with Siegmund Corbish, his former adversary in the Royal Duma and leader of the opposition to his Palatine governance. Although their views on the internal affairs of Haense had once been at odds, a shared conviction now united them—the imperative to shield Haense's autonomy amidst the swirling maelstrom of Imperial politics and its greed for more power over its vassal kingdoms. This fortuitous yet unlikely partnership exemplified a rare alignment of principles and a collective dedication to safeguarding their homeland's sovereignty within the grasping clutches of an Empire driven by a relentless desire to further subjugate its vassals and erode their independence. Weary from his journey to the Orenian capital, Terrence May arrived at the gates of Helena, a city that had transformed beyond recognition since his last tenure in the Imperial administration five years prior. The weight of his past experiences colored his perception of this new arena of imperial politics he now found himself navigating. As he approached Varoche Hall for the swearing-in ceremony, he encountered John de Balain, recently appointed Vice-Chancellor—a man May held in utter contempt, blaming him for the blatant usurpation and catastrophic downfall that had beset Emperor Alexander II’s government during the Troubles. De Balain, whose deceit and ambition had sown chaos and discord, embodied the very corruption and villainy that May had long fought against. In a private letter to his colleagues Senator Corbish and Prince Otto-Sigmar, he recounted the deeply unpleasant experience of once more finding himself in the vicinity of de Balain. May observed that, “If ever the Almighty has tested my patience, it has come on the occasion of seeing the rat-faced drunken blackguard once again. His repulsive demeanor and rancid breath have sullied the very sanctity of the Senate’s hallowed halls.” Nonetheless, as John de Balain gaveled the proceedings into the inaugural session, May mustered the strength to raise his right hand and affirm an oath administered by the man who onced usurped the last Imperial regime. Compounding his unease, the inaugural Senate session saw the chair deputized to another figure from the de Joannes regime with whom May harbored profound mistrust; Frederick Armas, now senior senator from Kaedrin. Armas, a power-hungry absolutist and unyielding centralizer, held de facto procedural power as Senate President pro tempore. He was notorious for his ruthless ambitions, to erase Haense’s rich culture and impose the homogenous, imperial culture of Helena upon its people, even by force if necessary. Armas’s desire to stamp out Haeseni autonomy and subjugate it under a monolithic imperial regime exacerbated May's wariness, as he saw in Armas an existential threat to the very fabric of his homeland. Sir Frederick Armas, circa 1737 Determined to serve Haense with unwavering resolve, May braced himself for the political tempest that lay ahead. He was resolute in his mission to safeguard his homeland’s sovereignty and cultural heritage amidst the autocratic schemes of Imperial politics, knowing full well that the struggle for Haense's identity and eventual independence would be fought within the very halls now defiled by the likes of de Balain and Armas. May swiftly set to work, striving to bolster the powers of the fledgling Imperial legislative body. Keenly aware of the rampant systemic corruption that had led to the downfall of the de Joannes regime, May was convinced that a robust legislative branch was essential to counterbalance the often capricious nature of the Imperial Chancellery. To this end, he authored the Senate Committees Act of 1737, legislation that established standing committees that scrutinized the various departments of the Imperial State, namely the Office of the Solicitor-General, the Office of Civil Affairs, and the Office of the Interior. May envisioned the Senate as a direct institution of accountability, fostering inter-regional consensus within the Orenian Empire. That laws addressing justice reforms, domestic spending, and the administration of elections were paramount to securing a stable and transparent Imperial government. May soon found himself embroiled in an intense political dispute over the Imperial Preserves Bill, proposed by his colleague, Senator Charles Napier. His Helena counterpart was a self-described conservationist, sought to use his political capital on projects that May believed to be eccentric, impractical, and in some cases, delusional. During the preceding session, the two had worked together to denounce Norlandic aggression and led an investigation that found a contagious rot endemic to Norland’s army. Yet, their differences on the land preserves drove a wedge in their working relationship. Napier’s bill called for an ambitious program that would cordon off swaths of land across the Imperial core and in several vassals for the purpose of “preserving their natural beauty, free from man’s toils.” Under the plan, the County of Graiswald would be designated as an Imperial preserve, thereby threatening the delicate balance May sought to maintain between the vassal provinces and the Imperial administration. Napier, who fancied himself a visionary, was known for his grandiloquent speeches and fanciful notions. He would often wax poetic about the pristine beauty of untouched lands, while May and others found his ideas laughably idealistic and disconnected from practical governance. Word of the bill quickly reached Haense and Lord Vyronov. The Haeseni peerage's exasperation was palpable in their collective letter to Senator May, which aptly captured their contempt and ire: “Dear sir, if the bulldog Napier wants our lands, he’ll find that he must first travel here and wrest it away from our cold, dead hands.” Over the following weeks, May rallied support against the bill, traveling to Curon and Kaedrin to drum up opposition and warn that such legislation would open the floodgates for unchecked regulatory land management, increasingly depriving the Senate of power and handing it to the opaque halls of Helena bureaucrats. At the moment of the vote, one spectator in the gallery observed an intense demeanour from the Haeseni senior senator, noting his rather rotund constitution looked to be on the verge of deflation. In the end, his efforts successfully came to pass, blocking passage of Napier’s absurd dream of environmental radicalism. In the early 1740s, the Imperial economy was still impacted by the malaise of the Troubles. Political instability and uncertainty following the ousting of Emperor Alexander de Joannes and the brief regime of the Imperial Lord Protector Adrian de Sarkozy saw persistent depressed wages, commercial lag, and rampant banditry born of widespread poverty and vigilantism. In the senate, May focused on legislation by establishing a central employment registry across the imperial provinces. Among one of his other goals was to subsidise scholarly patronage in the Empire, paving the way for what his secretary Angelika Bykov later described as a “a true revival of the literati” with the profuse scholarship in political theory and history that resulted from the measure. Later that year, the Helena Library and St. Charles University of New Reza began an inter-library book exchange. As Chairman of the Committee on Justice, Senator May set his sights on revamping criminal law. Drawing from his radicalized youth, influenced by the Josephite Enlightenment during the War of Two Emperors, he envisioned a renewed concept of justice that departed from the cruel practices of the Pertinaxi—an aspiration thwarted during his brief tenure under the de Joannes dynasty by the likes of de Balain and Armas. The Criminal Justice Reform Act of 1746 became a crowning achievement of his term as chair of the justice committee.The act called for the abolition of cruel and unusual punishment, the restriction of torture, and the prohibition of involuntary servitude. Additionally, it advocated for the implementation of a jury of peers in the courts of law, the right to due process for all Imperial subjects, the right to appeal, and the empowerment of the Supreme Court of Oren to be the sole arbiter of trials involving charges of treason. In a heated debate, however, May’s bill faced vehement opposition, particularly from his Kaedreni colleagues who derided it as a perversely idealistic exercise of liberal idealism. Revolting at the idea of abolishing torture, Senator Samuel de Langford railed against the bill: “This is a terrible bill. I cannot help but find it ironic of the Senator from Haense to reject suffering, while attempting to choke the provinces with this legislation. I speak as a veteran, having witnessed unspoken evils committed by outlaws. In his effort to see the judicial system fulfilling its purpose, Mr. May apparently fails to acknowledge the justice aspect of it. Is the priest to be imprisoned were he burn a heathen on the stake? Is the watchman wrong for removing the assassin’s hand? The definition of cruel punishment is as vague as to the point one could even argue a death by hanging falls under the term ‘cruel and unusual’, at which point how are we to even execute criminals? What is just and fair is GOD’s will, and GOD’s will shall be enacted with every verdict, be it of the lightest infraction or the harshest of felonies, regardless of any ‘humane’ ethics believed we are to uphold.” The blistering critique of the bill imperilled its chances of passage when the Kaedreni delegation was joined by Curon’s two senators in opposition. In a letter to Bykov, he lamented that the “unimaginative minds'' of his colleagues stood in the way of necessary legal reform to “turn this country away from its most cruel impulses.” Yet, a surprise in the eleventh hour from Senator Arthur Callahan came fortuitously. After a lengthy discussion over Rhenyari spiced tea and cigars, the Kaedreni Senator offered May his guarantee of voting for the bill if it included his amendment to authorize torture for enemy combatants of Oren. With the amendment, May’s criminal legal reform eked through the floor with the necessary majority. On other matters of the legislative exercise, Senator May found that discerning senatorial prudence was essential in navigating the treacherous waters of judicial appointments to the Empire’s highest court. A notable and unsettling confirmation hearing was the ascension of John de Balain, Duke of Sunholdt, to the Supreme Court—a position fraught with grave implications. May, ever vigilant, was troubled beyond measure by the prospect of granting such power to a man whom he viewed as the very epitome of political opportunism and moral decay. After all these years, May still held much contempt for the Duke of Sunholdt and his role in the ignoble usurpation of Alexander II. The appointment, made by Archchancellor Simon Basrid, was shrouded in suspicion. May’s justice committee staffer, Malcolm Eckes, noted the senator’s dismay upon reading the missive, reflecting the gravity of his anxiety. Proponents of the Duke praised his political acumen during the Troubles, lauding his supposed “astuteness” and “prolific maneuvering.” Yet, such praise seemed but a thin veil over a sordid truth. Some whispered that his appointment was a move by the Basrid Ministry to bring the late emperor’s kin into the fold and to bolster the legitimacy of the new Imperial administration. Others saw it as an attempt to remove him from his post as Vice Chancellor and relegate him to the courts to prevent his further involvement in politics. Whatever the cause, May was skeptical throughout. During the hearing, May confronted the nominee with probing questions about the Duke’s vision for the Supreme Court—a vision, he suspected, marred by the Duke’s own venal and drunken proclivities. The most damning revelation was the Duke’s egregious indulgence in vice. May’s memoirs recount a decisive moment: a whisper from his advisor, Malcolm Eckes, urging him to question the nominee’s sobriety. This advice illuminated the true extent of the Duke’s failings, revealing a man whose judgement was compromised by his habitual inebriation and self-serving ambitions. Before the full Senate, May articulated his grave concerns, asserting that the appointment of such a figure to the court required an unequivocal certainty of conscience—a certainty he could not muster for his disreputable former colleague. Despite his efforts, the session teetered on the brink of deadlock. In a move that underscored the grim political theatre of the time, Vice Chancellor Joachim Huss was hastily dispatched to cast the decisive vote in favor of the Duke. Thus, the confirmation was concluded, leaving the Senate and the Empire to contend with the unsavory legacy of a man whose appointment to the highest court seemed a testament to the decay of noble principles and the triumph of political expediency. May, having labored for nearly two decades within the hallowed chambers of the Senate, and having presided over its affairs as President pro tempore for half that time, now sought to fortify the legislative body’s supremacy in matters of statecraft. A formidable test of his career loomed large when damning revelations of financial malfeasance emerged against the Imperial Treasurer, Peter de Sarkozy. Internal memoranda obtained by the justice committee found that the treasury had grossly exceeded its established budget set by law. Other financial records appeared obfuscated since some of the Crown’s funds had been unaccounted for on several ledgers, alluding to the possibility that public funds had been laundered or syphoned off into foreign or private assets. As the proceedings took shape, May was joined by Senators Cyrus Basrid of Helena and Vivaca Rutledge, both of whom would prove to be crucial allies and friends during his career in Varoche Hall. Subpoena testimony by Prince Joseph Clement, the Duke of Helena, who had been head of Interior, and Sir Joseph Adler, the Solicitor-General, confirmed the charges that Secretary Sarkozy had violated the law and gave grounds for a formal impeachment inquiry. Finally, when Secretary Sarkozy was summoned to testify for his actions, the room was packed with onlookers. Senators from across the Empire convened to question the ledgers of the Treasury and found that the Secretary was not only untruthful, but expressed a personal contempt toward the legislature. In the Summer of 1756, May announced the formal process to begin the writ of impeachment for the first time ever against a sitting member of the Council of State. However, throughout the ensuing weeks, he faced internal pressure from the Basrid Ministry to pursue a more tame approach. The Vice Chancellor Hugo Wright, the former senator from Curon, met with May offering a deal to drop the impeachment articles in exchange for allowing an internal investigation by the Chancellery. When the Senate reconvened, May abruptly suspended the impeachment process. Some of his contemporaries speculated that May had ambitions of his own, with some Imperial courtiers whispering of his potential appointment as Vice Chancellor. His fiercest critics even alleged he had been promised a lucrative estate in return for his acquiescence—a claim dismissed by his aides. His sudden decision outraged many, with Senators Rutledge and Basrid lamenting the erosion of Senate oversight. In the end, a compromise was struck to censure Secretary Sarkozy for his contempt and misdeeds, thereby preserving a semblance of accountability. After ten years as President pro tempore, May stepped down, citing his desire to focus on representing constituent issues. He was succeeded by Lauritz Christiansen of Helena, a young new senator to whom May found a sense of great kinship and camaraderie in his remaining years in politics. The latter part of May’s senatorial career is largely characterised by a drastic shift to social issues and fulfilling the promises of the Josephite Liberties movement that had become enamoured with in his youth. Largely with the support of Senators Christiansen, Stafyr, de Antunyes, and Rutledge, he formed a liberal voting bloc that advocated for an expansion of political rights in an ever-changing society. Two consequential pieces of legislation during this period sponsored by May was the codification of the Civil Unions Act, which empowered the courts to officiate marriages for non-human and non-Canonist couples, and the passage of the Amyas Act, providing clinics (which at the time had been largely staffed by Elven immigrants) with additional discretionary resources and tax incentives. THE JOSEPHITE PARTY & THE ELECTION OF 1765 In 1764, the Edict of Reform dissolved the Imperial Senate. By this point, the political scene had changed into organised machinery that revolved around partisan institutions rather than provincial representation. The dissolution of Curon and the rapid population decline in Kaedrin had made the Senate less representative and less efficient in the eyes of the Emperor. Rather than remain, May had already begun to ponder retirement. Yet, some of Helena’s political class grew weary of a rising tide of conservative populism gaining traction. A cohort of politicians turned to May for help during the upcoming 1765 election. Among one of the leading voices in that movement were his former colleagues, the Duke of Sunholdt, Edward Napier, Konrad Stafyr, Urrigon Drum, Jonah Stahl-Elendil, and Cyrus Basrid. A painting of Varoche Hall, circa 1746 In the Duke of Sunholdt’s estate in Selm, members gathered for what became the first Josephite Party Convention. The convention elected May as leader of the Josephite Party. In the summer of 1765, the Imperial Crown called for elections. Their main contender, the Everardines, headed by Amadeus d’Aryn, an eloquent orator and member of the Canonist clergy, channelled the anxieties for those who were uncertain of the promises that Josephite liberalism promised. Instead, they fixated on a rhetoric of stability, tradition, and safety against what they alleged were abuses by the Josephite liberals of natural law. The press had begun scrutinising Haense as a key battleground in the elections. Some viewed May as having been severely out of touch during his time in Helena and believed that the Everardines could return sanity back to politics. May’s campaign suffered huge setbacks after his colleague former Senator Siguine Ruthern and his longtime friend Lord Sigmar Baruch endorsed the Everardine coalition. On election night, May’s campaign miraculously eked out a majority and was invited by the Imperial Crown to establish the new legislature later that week. The new House of Commons Josephite Conference selected May to serve as President of the House, a role he was far accustomed to. Yet, he quickly learned that the new political dynamics in Varoche Hall had changed since he began over thirty years ago. The new Everardine Opposition proved to be aggressive and unrelenting. In a letter to Sir Konrad Stafyr and Konstantin Wick just weeks after the first sitting of the House of Commons, May wrote that, “Debates over legislative matters became less about policy and more about impugning the character of the other. Unseemingly and unbecoming of this station…” Leader d’Aryn began barraging the chair with points of order and challenged the Josephite’s Party position on every social issue to which it had enacted from religious affairs, marriage, imperial personhood, and criminal legal reform. Everardines also questioned the ties that the Josephite Party had forged under May’s leadership with Helena’s business class, particularly with the Carrington Company, which had previously been perceived to have engaged in improper financial transactions and in engaging in the hitmen business. The political backdrop of the Josephites as weak, ineffective, corrupt, and decadent became a resonating factor and the source of political ammunition for the Everardines in the upcoming election. In 1768, May gave a surprising announcement. At the Josephite Convention, he announced before the party members that he would step down as leader. While it came suddenly, many close to him knew it was a matter of time. He began to exhibit visible deterioration in his health and physical constitution. Many believed a party contest would ensue as leading contenders to succeed him included Konrad Stafyr, Konstantin Wick, and Jonah Stahl-Elendil. Hoping to avoid a divided convention, May endorsed Jonah Stahl-Elendil, whom many in the party saw as a rising star, to succeed him hoping to bridge Josephite outreach beyond Haense. In the following year, May addressed the House to impart his farewell remarks: “I address you all now as a man who has sought to keep your sacred trust with my entire being, knowing that there is still work that needs to be fulfilled. With many rapid questions facing our society, I have come to the conclusion that I no longer hold the strength to make these important decisions and legislate with all the means required of me. For over thirty years, I have been your Senator and Member of the House, working to achieve this vision; for this, I am truly grateful… Some have dubbed me the ‘Father of the Imperial Diet’ or some other accolade far beyond my credentials, but in truth, the greatest satisfaction is knowing that I leave behind a generation of leaders poised to see that our country succeeds and our rights preserved.” After the dissolution of the Imperial Diet, May stood down as a member of the House of Commons and returned to New Reza after more than four decades of political life. RETIREMENT & DEATH Knightly Coat of Arms of Sir Terrence May HKML, 1769 In his twilight years, May lived a quiet life in his small townhouse in New Reza. He received frequent visits from his friends, Lauritz Christiansen and Konrad Stafyr who updated him on the ongoing affairs in Helena and in Haense. The pile of letters in his post-political life attested to the fact that May had continued to be actively engaged in public life, offering notes and points of advice to those who sought his counsel. Former staffers and friends frequently noted his progressive deterioration. He began to experience memory-loss and became blind in one eye. During one visit just weeks before his death, Lauritz Christiansen recalled that he no longer saw Terrence May in the man who now sat ghastly in the chair across from him. Christiansen noted that May could not recall certain memories and struggled to stand on his own. In 1779, Terrence May died comfortably in his sleep at the age of eighty-seven. It seemed that for all of the mental decline he had exhibited in his later years, he continued to write pensively and reflectively on the state of the world in his diary. In his last entry dated just four days before his passing, he wrote that “The greatest crisis of our time, or any time in the history of our humanity, is a crisis of confidence in ourselves to do what is just. For centuries, we have fought the indomitable struggle to forge a nation worthy of God’s providence. Let not the temptations of vice and power consume you, but find the humanity in each other to work for the prosperity of the future.”

@Zanthuz OLD GRIZZLY: THE LIFE OF SENATOR EIRIK BARUCH A Portrait of Eirik Baruch c. 294/1741 E.S. As Authored by: Otto Malcolm Gant @Drew2_dude & Holly Roddam @Piov Published by: Baruch & Kortrevich Publishing Part of the series, “The Grand Haeseni Statesmen” EARLY LIFE The Kingdom of Haense, 1709. The era of Imperial dominion was coming to an end. Over the next 70 years, 5 monarchs and countless statesmen would reflect the kingdom's somewhat tempestuous transformation from established traditions and reliance upon imperial institutions, to its own territorial expansion of land, increased influence, and burgeoning opportunity. One of those fated statesmen that aided in this transition was the eccentric firebrand, and sergeant-turned-senator, Eirik Baruch (1709). Born to the Count of Ayr, Jan Baruch and his commoner wife Lilliana Kortrevich, Eirik was the younger twin of Sigmar Baruch, the heir apparent of the House. Although he was born into the aristocracy, his early years were marked by hardship rather than privilege. As the second son of a destitute family in financial ruin and disarray, he faced a harsh and unforgiving childhood. At the time of his birth, the House of Baruch was in an abysmal state. Eirik’s grandfather had squandered the family’s wealth and abandoned his responsibilities as Count, fleeing to Aeldin and disappearing without a trace. The family’s reputation suffered even further when they lost their ancestral castle, Greyguard Hold, to the Norlandic pagans. The pagans renamed it Arberrang and used it as their stronghold to launch incursions against the Kingdom of Haense in the Third Atlas Coalition War. Eirik’s father, Jan, a young and ambitious Count, further alienated the House from the Haeseni nobility by neglecting his family and Haeseni duties in favor of titles and honors in the Imperial court. As a result, Eirik, along with his elder brother Sigmar and younger sister Kamilla, found themselves in the care of their great-grandfather, Marius Baruch, the former Count of Ayr. A man of advanced years, Marius possessed an austere demeanor, exhibiting a stoic and cold-hearted nature that distanced himself from the children. However, amidst their parents' distant pursuits and absenteeism, Marius dutifully assumed the role of educator, shouldering the responsibility of shaping their minds while their parents' focus remained fixated on personal ambitions. The War of Two Emperors (1715), an epochal conflict that reverberated across the lands of Arcas, irrevocably etched its mark upon the lives of the Baruch children. While their parents threw their lot in with Emperor Godfrey II and the Renatians, their great grandfather, a stalwart supporter of the Kingdom of Haense and Emperor Josef Marna's cause, found himself caught in a web of conflicting loyalties. Following Marius Baruch's impassioned plea to King Marius II, a resolution was reached: the Baruch children were granted clemency, safeguarding their ancestral titles, while Marius assumed the mantle of Lord Regent of the County of Ayr until Eirik’s elder brother, Sigmar, came of age. Although the children were spared the full brunt of the war’s fury, they were not untouched by its tragedies.They witnessed the grim fate of their father, Jan, who was executed for treason against the Haeseni Crown upon his capture. Yet, a more intimate terror befell them as their maternal uncle, Rodrik Kortrevich, led a daring raid deep within Haeseni lands. Their stronghold from the war, the Castle of Saint's Rest, fell prey to Emperor Godfrey’s Dragon Knights, who held them captive. Rumor has it that an unnamed Dragon Knight attempted to force the young Eirik to tend to his armor, and in an act of bold defiance the boy refused, spitting at his captor. In a fit of rage, the Dragon Knight slashed his dagger at Eirik, causing a grievous wound on the boy's hand, but rather than succumbing to fear or pain, the boy grinned and challenged the knight for another blow. This fierce confrontation is believed to have sown the seeds of Eirik’s deep-seated enmity toward Heartlanders and Orenians, a bitterness that would endure throughout his life. Saint’s Rest, 1719 With the conclusion of the War of Two Emperors in 1721 and the subsequent capitulation of the Kingdom of Haense, a somber veil descended upon the once-mighty northern realm, as it had found itself once more ensnared within the iron grip of the Empire of Renatus, now called the Holy Orenian Empire. At this juncture, Eirik, now a young man, witnessed his brother Sigmar take up the family mantle as Count of Ayr. Amidst the prevailing resentment harbored by the Haeseni people particularly among the nobility, against their Heartland subjugators, the brothers charted divergent paths. Sigmar immersed himself in the complexities of Haeseni politics, striving to restore the family's tarnished reputation within noble circles. Meanwhile, Eirik embraced his role as Captain of the Greyguard, dedicating himself to the protection of Ayr, Haense, and his brother, becoming a formidable warrior. While Sigmar deftly maneuvered to mend the family's standing among the aristocracy, Eirik endeared himself to the common people and soldiers, forging a reputation through heroic feats in tournaments, spirited tavern brawls, and defending the Capital of Reza against marauding bandits alongside the Brotherhood of Saint Karl. Thus, a clear dichotomy emerged: Sigmar’s rise within the echelons of nobility contrasted with Eirik’s growing resonance among the commoners and soldiers, each brother leaving a distinct mark on the unfolding tapestry of Haeseni history. DUMA CAREER In 1733, a transformative chapter unfolded in Eirik’s life. With Sigmar’s elevation to the esteemed role as Lord Speaker of the Royal Duma and Sir Terrence May's voluntary withdrawal from politics after a brief and arduous term as Lord Palatine, the Baruch family's seat within the chamber lay unoccupied. This created a notable shift, ushering Eirik, previously celebrated for his martial prowess, into the realm of political affairs at Sigmar's behest. As the impartial presiding figure, Sigmar relinquished overt participation in the impassioned debates that consumed the chamber, clandestinely lending support to the Feudalist Bench—a faction he had a hand in founding—which championed noble autonomy against the Centralist Bench's push for greater aulic council authority. For Eirik, this marked an initiation into the political sphere after carving a reputation as a formidable warrior. Within the venerable halls of the Duma, Eirik embraced his family’s feudalist legacy, his oratory distinguished by a blunt, at times abrasive, style that fiercely challenged opposing views. A defining moment etched in Duma history emerged when Eirik, provoked by insults hurled at his kin, engaged in a duel with Siegmund Corbish. His decisive victory not only earned him respect, but also admiration within the chambers of the Duma. Despite accruing favor among the commoners for his unvarnished discourse resonating with their sentiments, Eirik's tenure in the Duma proved short lived, as he eventually rejected his brother's entreaties to continue representing the family's interests within the chamber, echoing the disillusionment that often beset those who sought to navigate the intricate and treacherous corridors of political intrigue. Map of Humanity, Arcas circa. 1724 MILITARY SERVICE In the fateful year of 1740, the Rubern War, a dreadful chapter in the chronicles of Haeseni history, unfurled its grim tapestry, coinciding with Eirik's withdrawal from the political corridors of the Royal Duma. Immersed in the fervor of the war effort, he charted a remarkable course, formally enlisting in the Brotherhood of Saint Karl and rapidly ascending to the rank of Sergeant and officer. Under the directive of Lord Palatine Markus Kortrevich, Eirik was entrusted with the defense of the northern realms, including his own County of Ayr, the County of Nenzing, and the ancient Duchy of Carnatia—formerly the County of Graiswald—each governed by the venerable Stafyr and Vyronov houses. Though initially assigned what seemed a peripheral duty, Eirik redefined the war's narrative through audacious raids that spanned the vast waters separating Haeseni lands from the adversarial domain of Suffonia, a formidable member of the Alliance of Independent States. His bold strategies and relentless assaults earned him the moniker "Ol' Grizzly,'' a tribute to both his family's heraldic bear and his ferocious tactics against the Archduchy of Suffonia. As the war drew to a close, Eirik’s strategic prowess had secured vast swaths of Suffonian territory, a feat celebrated with fervor by his devoted soldiers but sowing discord within Haeseni aristocracy, particularly among the Crown's aulic council. Notably, figures such as the former Lord Palatine Konrad Stafyr and Lord Marshal Prince Otto-Sigmar Alimar, stalwarts of the Centralist faction, and even his former ally, the Palatine-turned Imperial Senator, Terrence May, quietly leveled allegations of ambitious insubordination by Eirik, drawing ire from the elite circles upon him. Lord Marshal Alimar, in particular, was vocal in his condemnation, asserting, “Eirik may bask in the fleeting glory of his conquests, but let us not be deceived. His actions are not driven by honor but by a ravenous greed for recognition. His insubordination and relentless ambition are a stain upon the very fabric of our realm, a testament to his ruthless desire to eclipse those who rightfully stand above him. In his quest for personal glory, he has shown himself a dangerous contender, willing to undermine the stability of our governance for his own vainglorious ends.” Despite these severe criticisms, Eirik emerged as a war hero and a beacon of adoration among the feudalist families, the commonfolk, and the valiant soldiers, further impressing his enigmatic and polarizing legacy within the annals of Haeseni history. THE ELECTION OF 1750 & IMPERIAL SENATE CAREER In the waning years of the Rubern War, circa 1748, Eirik Baruch, having briefly retreated to the peaceful confines of his ancestral home in the Duchy of Valwyck—formerly the County of Ayr—was once again drawn from his solitude. This resurgence sprouted from a grassroots movement spearheaded by former soldiers under his command and fervent supporters from his tenure in the Royal Duma, urging Eirik to contend for the coveted Junior seat in the Imperial Senate. This position, recently vacated by the retiring Senator Siguine Ruthern, was crucial for articulating Haeseni grievances against the encroaching centralization of the Orenian Empire. Rumors suggested that this grassroots campaign was orchestrated in part by Eirik’s brother, the newly appointed Duke Sigmar Baruch, in collaboration with the influential Senior Senator Terrence May, though May’s public endorsement remained elusive, hinting at unresolved tensions between Eirik and the Senator. Reluctantly persuaded by his brother’s urging, Eirik embarked on a campaign meticulously orchestrated by Haeseni political juggernauts, Sigmar and May. Opposition arose in the form of Selrik of the Wick family, historical rivals of House Baruch, fostering animosity stemming from a feud over an old noble title centuries ago. The contentious campaign reached a crescendo when Eirik, labeled a "bastard" and a "traitor" by Selrik Wick, challenged him to a duel—a rare display of nobility confronting a commoner, a spectacle unprecedented at the time. Wick’s refusal to engage damaged his reputation and eroded his support, propelling Eirik into the limelight as the leading candidate, culminating in his resounding victory and ascension as Haense's third Junior senator in Imperial history. Eirik’s win marked the beginning of his Imperial political journey, firmly dedicated to defending Haense’s autonomy against the tide of imperial centralization. With his election secured, Eirik addressed his supporters with a powerful oration: “I stand as the antithesis of what the Imperials deem ‘progress.’ I am the unyielding wall against which their ambitions crash, and I shall not be the one to crumble.” This bold pronouncement inspired the Haeseni audience, igniting fervent approval among his supporters and sending ripples of disdain and paranoia through the ranks of Heartlander politicians that would soon be his colleagues in the senate. A portrait of the members of the Imperial Senate, circa 1752. Eirik Baruch poses in the front row on the right. In the wake of his resounding victory in the election of 1750, Eirik Baruch, embarked upon his inaugural—and unbeknownst to him, sole—term as Junior Senator, found himself thrust into a sphere directly opposed to his accustomed northern environs. The Imperial Capital of Helena, a symbol of opulence and ostentation, stood in stark contrast to the austere and unpretentious air of New Reza, Haense’s own Capital. The city's vibrant pulse, replete with powdered wigs, ornate garments, and embellished speech, clashed with the raw honesty and directness he held dear. The Senate, too, proved a disparate arena from the Royal Duma, where political maneuvering, florid rhetoric, and adherence to decorum reigned supreme—a far cry from the fervent debates and confrontations that characterized the Duma. Terrence May, the esteemed Senior Senator, sought to guide his junior partner Eirik into the intricate tapestry of Heartlander politics, albeit met with vehement opposition from the staunchly traditionalist Haeseni noble. Eirik's unwavering refusal to adapt to the Heartlander scene, shunning diplomatic airs and the indulgence of Helena's revelry, sowed discord among his Senate peers. His unyielding adherence to his blunt and confrontational style sparked heated disputes within the Senate chambers, alienating him from fellow senators. Steadfastly disdaining the lavish balls and gatherings, Eirik's swift departure from Helena upon the Senate's adjournment stood as a testament to his profound disconnection from the opulent and contrived atmosphere of Imperial politics, a stance that garnered resentment and scorn from the Senate establishment. During his contentious tenure within the Imperial Senate, Eirik Baruch emerged as a polarizing figure, unyielding in his pursuit of policies aimed at fortifying workers' rights and advocating for the formation of unions alongside stringent child labor laws. A stalwart defender of vassal nations' autonomy, he fervently opposed Imperial taxation on Haense's personal peerage, rallying against what he perceived as imperial overreach. His resolute resistance to elven rights manifested most notably in his vehement opposition to the nomination of Valandos Elverhilin, an elf, to the exalted position of the Imperial Supreme Court, an act that ultimately led to the elf's defeat during the nomination period. Despite his conservative stance on issues, Eirik found an unexpected adversary in Kaedreni Senator Arthur Callahan, their mutual enmity often erupting into threats of duels, symbolic of the deep-seated animosity between them despite shared committee memberships. His antagonistic disposition extended to the Basrid Ministry, drawing ire from prominent figures such as the kin of the Archchancellor, the Senior Senator of Helena Cyrus Basrid, along with the Junior Senator William Napier. Eirik's scathing epithets stuck Napier with the moniker "the Bulldog" for his distinctive mutton chop facial hair and large jowls. He also held great disdain for the Curonian delegation, particularly with their senior senator, Vivaca Rutledge. He viewed her politics as a product of ethnic Southeron and Curonian backwardness, tinged with what he perceived as an insufferable progressive and identity-based rhetoric. During one particularly heated session in the Senate, Eirik delivered a scathing rebuke to his opponents: "Ah, the esteemed delegates from Helena and Curon, with their grandiose speeches and posh garments, ever so eager to proclaim their 'progressive' ideals. They prattle on about aiding the people, yet I wonder, have any of them ever dirtied their hands in true service? Just this week, I was out with the fishermen of Valwyck, helping to haul in their nets. Tell me, noble senators, when was the last time any of you ventured beyond your marble halls and did the same for the common folk you claim to represent?" Eirik's unapologetic stance against Imperial authority and his relentless defense of Haense's autonomy fostered a contentious reputation in Helena, painted as a hardline Haeseni figure straddling the line of sedition, yet revered by his constituents—a divide that stoked paranoia and dismay among the Helena Elite. His core policies coalesced around staunchly defending Haense's sovereignty, opposing vassal taxation, advocating for minimal commodity regulation, and ardently championing Canonist principles while vehemently opposing elven rights—a turbulent tenure that left an indelible mark on the fraught relationship between the Kingdom of Haense and its overlords in the Imperial Capital. His vote against tobacco tariffs, for example, reflected both a personal and regional interest. As a heavy smoker, Eirik was acutely sensitive to policies that raised prices on his preferred brand of Alpine Cigarettes, a local brand which was founded as part of Valwyck’s incipient tobacco trade economy. However, his motivation also may have stemmed from his desire to defeat legislation that he believed favored Kaedreni interests which, at the time, was a premier hub for Orenian tobacco commerce. Eirik's vehement aversion towards elves was a potent undercurrent of his political tenure in the Senate. While the culture in Helena pivoted towards multicultural integration, welcoming elves into the societal fabric, the sentiment in Haense remained steeped in discomfort and, for some, outright enmity. Eirik emerged as a staunch opponent to the inclusion of elves within the Imperial government, vociferously contesting their nominations, notably in the case of the Supreme Court where he staunchly refused to approve their appointments. His vehement opposition also extended to societal reforms, notably challenging the ban on clipping elf ears—a stance that positioned him in direct opposition to his more moderate colleague Terrence May, who, in contrast, supported the measure. Despite the lack of clarity surrounding the genesis of Eirik's disdain, his unyielding stance against elf integration and his strident opposition within the Senate solidified his role as a polarizing figure within Imperial politics, perpetuating a deep-seated rift between the diverging constituent cultures of Haense and the progressive currents prevailing in Helena. As Eirik's first senatorial term drew to a close in the year 1754, the specter of re-election loomed enticingly on the horizon. Urged by his brother Sigmar and buoyed by fervent supporters, a grand celebratory feast was held in Valwyck. The festivities spiraled out of control however, prompting the brothers' stealthy departure from Valstadt Castle to seek refuge in the Ekaterinburg Palace in New Reza for the night, graciously offered by the Royal Family. Though the air was filled with jubilation, an undercurrent of political turmoil simmered beneath the surface. Eirik had incurred the wrath of both the Haeseni elite and the aristocracy of Helena—a divisive figure whose return to the Senate raised apprehension among the powerful in both camps. Unknown machinations, woven in the shadows, sought to thwart Eirik's Senate comeback. Whispers abounded of the Imperial government's desire to rid themselves of the Haeseni firebrand or perhaps the influential Lord Regent, Prince Otto Sigmar Alimar, dubbed the 'Muldav Menace' by his foes, who sought a more pliable senator to bend to his will. Thus, as Eirik sought refuge in the palace, the fate of his political future hung precariously in the balance, a testament to the fraught and treacherous landscape of Humanity’s politics. RE-ELECTION CAMPAIGN OF 1754 The unexpected entry of Sir Konrad Stafyr, second son of the revered Palatine Leopold Stafyr, a figure venerated for his valor in the War of Two Emperors and the penning of the Nenzing Proclamation, intensified the rivalry. Sir Konrad, a figure known for his political prowess and moderate stance, stood in stark contrast to Eirik in every conceivable way. Raised among the upper echelons of Haeseni nobility, the young Stafyr was educated privately and was afforded diplomatic and historical training. Moreover, Sir Konrad’s more bookish and academic approach to geopolitics starkly contrasted Eirik’s realist views and approaches in the spheres of domestic and foreign affairs. Despite lacking the grassroots fervor of Eirik's campaign, Konrad wielded substantial clout due to his family's esteemed legacy, his own service as a former Palatine and Speaker, and his alliances within the Imperial and Haeseni political spheres. The contentious election erupted into a mudslinging battle, with endorsements sought from the influential Senior Senator Terrence May, who remained conspicuously neutral. May’s detachment was mainly to the detriment of his lifelong friends in the Baruch family whom he lived with. This added to the overall tension of the race. When the results were announced in favor of Konrad Stafyr by a mere two-points, whispers of corruption tainted the victory. Eirik swiftly launched a brief lawsuit to contest the election results, a move exacerbated by the refusal of the Imperial Office of Civil Affairs to grant recount requests. The discovery of unmarked ballots in the office of the deceased Prince Otto Alimar years later only deepened the suspicions of the race being tampered with by major political figures. Thus concluded Eirik's senatorial career, marred by allegations of interference and a profound sense of injustice that resonated deeply within the Haeseni populace and the Baruch family. JUDICIAL CAREER Following Eirik Baruch's contentious defeat in the senatorial race, an unexpected development occurred which sought to soothe the fractious Haeseni political landscape. The Aulic government, in a bid to placate him, nominated Eirik for a judicial seat, entrusting him with the oversight of civil and criminal matters within Haense. This appointment received unanimous approval from the Imperial Senate, despite the prevailing animosity and whispered fears and paranoia surrounding him. Reluctantly assuming the position at his brother Sigmar's insistence, Eirik embarked on his judicial tenure with an unyielding and embittered demeanor. His reputation for delivering severe judgments and his predisposition to impose the harshest sentences became legendary. Operating under the belief that all were culpable until proven innocent, his tenure on the bench was marked by an iron-fisted approach to justice. His tenure on the bench persisted until 1786, a pivotal juncture marked by the Edict of Separation—a historic event culminating in Haense's emancipation from the Novellan Empire, driven by years of fraught relations and the populace's fervent quest for greater autonomy. Eirik's tumultuous political journey, defined by his unyielding stance in Haeseni autonomy, played an instrumental role in paving the path to Haense's desired freedom. His resolute representations within the Imperial sphere ultimately contributed significantly to the fulfillment of Haense's yearning for autonomy and sovereignty. A painting of a fisherman whaling off the Valwyck coast, 1780 LATER LIFE & LEGACY Eirik’s post-independence years unfolded in a quieter, albeit turbulent, manner. Initially called upon to serve as a judge—termed Jovenaar in the New Marian vernacular—he reluctantly accepted the position following his brother's prodding once again, seeking respite from his tumultuous past. However, the mundane routine eventually wearied him, and at the venerable age of 80, he chose to retire in Valwyck, aspiring to relish his twilight years unfettered by responsibility or familial pressures. In his final days, Eirik found solace in pursuits such as whaling, fishing, and indulging in spirits, his days fading into a haze of indulgence. Yet, his reflections harbored lingering resentments, notably towards his children from a loveless union thrust upon him by political machinations orchestrated by his brother and the Duke of Carnatia, Karl Vyronov. In a startling revelation during inebriated confessions, Eirik confessed to orchestrating the demise of his wife, assuming the guise of Scyfling mercenaries—an act that he, remorselessly, never regretted. His final musings hinted at a trail of undisclosed affairs and of bastards born of women met in the tavern, their names and faces accompanying him to the grave. In 1812 at the age of 103, Eirik Baruch passed away peacefully, consigned to the familial crypts, his funeral attended solely by his immediate family, his once-grand legacy fading into obscurity. A peculiar footnote adorned his service, as his pet parrot, Blabberbeak, adopted during his tenure as a Jovenaar, disrupted proceedings with an unending barrage of profanity, compelling an unceremonious removal. Eirik Baruch's legacy endures, remembered for his unwavering dedication to political and militant service, and his indomitable spirit in challenging imperial hegemony.

“Do ye Remember a time when the fairy boys were relevant? Cause I don’t.” Father Malcolm would call out to his Acolyte. ”Must’ve been when they didn’t hide behind their walls from a fight.” The Acolyte would respond. ”Oh, so never then.” The priest would chuckle as he continued to transcribe copies of the Holy Scrolls.

"think the more pressin' matter is the fact yer family was harborin' wicked creatures accursed by daemonkind." Otto Gant would muse, reading over the missive.

CHANCELLOR’S REPORT: A FAREWELL ADDRESS “I would have perished had I not persisted” Issued by the GANT CHANCELLERY On this 2nd day of Msitza & Dargundof 484 E.S. VA BIRODEO HERZENAV AG EDLERVIK, In a few moments, I will lay down my official responsibilities as Chancellor of the Aulic Government. Deputy Palatine Roslin Baruch, Marshal Wilheim Barclay, and the entire Aulic Council who have served me during the last ten years, I say publicly as I have privately that I extend my immense gratitude for their dedication and commitment in governing the world’s most formidable kingdom. We know that there continue to be challenges ahead, but I am convinced now more than ever before that the Kingdom of Hanseti-Ruska—more than any other polity—can successfully meet whatever may face us. In this address as my final report to you, I want to offer an urgent reflection on three pressing matters of state that impact us within and beyond our borders: the geopolitical uncertainties posed by imminent Adrian aggression, the fractious politics within the kingdom, and the integrity of this office which I have had the honor to occupy. ON GEOPOLITICS A real or perceived weakness can tempt the forces of aggression and instigate war. That is why Haense cannot neglect its military strength and readiness. With equal determination, Haense and her allies must find workable solutions to allay the increasing tension through sheer will and collective military contingencies. The specter of Adria demands our vigilance and attentiveness. It has now been over two centuries since the burning of Ves befell Adria. Yet today, the great majority of the people cannot recall a time in which the looming threat of their aggression did not befall the stability of the world. It is the responsibility of every civilized and great-mannered nation to reinforce the dutiful and moral order established by law and upheld by Pontifical mandate. It is and shall remain the policy of Haense in marshaling our material and spiritual might to answer the call of defending our most basic entitlement to security for all Highlanders. During my ministry, I have upheld our strategic commitment to maintain our allegiances and willingness to defend the dignity of man against those who deign to do otherwise. To our allies, I appeal to your courage and strength to never waver in our fight against aggression and recklessness. We must be willing to provide support militarily and to work intelligently to secure the best political outcomes in times of war and peace alike. As scripture teaches us, God’s greatest figures emerge from their conviction to fight for the vision of a better humanity. ON DOMESTIC POLITICS AND CALL FOR UNITY There is a disturbing pattern in Haeseni politics. It tends to disturb our common purpose in addressing the obstacles of our times. Animosity and the prioritization of special interests, particularly among the peerage, must not dictate our terms of engagement. Nor must we let these divisions diminish our unity. Individual ambitions cannot become the norm and we must not allow the temptation of personal gain to take over the soul of our kingdom. An enduring problem for our kingdom is the lack of cohesion. We must find within us a higher calling and to make the necessary sacrifices that will guarantee our prosperity. For years, our society has devolved in sectional politics that have prioritized ethnic and cultural differences before national identity. For too long, our society has been produced through localized agendas. This is an unsustainable model that I urge us to overcome. We must appeal to each other as Haeseni first. We have inherited and labored for a kingdom whose social, economic, and cultural strength has never been better. We have an obligation to protect our bountiful destiny no matter our individual and personal convictions. Our latest political reforms invite us to think more forwardly and collegially. I call upon our political life to heed a unified purpose. We must invest more into education, our military, and our agrarian productivity. These policies must be mutually beneficial. This is as it should be and nothing less can be accepted. ON THE OFFICE OF THE PALATINE I have just been talking about the forces of potential destruction that await us should we give into the worst in our nature. Yet, it is equally important to think of the responsibilities of those charged to prevent such matters from taking hold. It is important that the office of the Lord Palatine remains a strong one whose occupants command the respect of our denizens and the confidence to govern in the name of the Crown. The Chancellery of Haense is a sacred inheritance that began when Rickard Barrow served as a confidant and indispensable advisor to King Petyr. In the centuries since, it has evolved to meet the challenges of governance for each monarch. In our time, the Chancellery of the Palatine has seen a vital transformation to maintain the affairs of state. I am fortunate that Our stewardship has yielded the best in us—safeguarding our cultural patrimony, securing our alliances, committing to lowering our debt and stabilizing our economy, promoting transparency, and ensuring that our people enjoy a safe and cosmopolitan society. This is a powerful office whose institutional history must be appreciated and defended. I wish for all my successors the blessings that I can afford them that their work be for the betterment of all. CONCLUSION Finally, I want to reflect less upon the challenges of our times. Let us highlight the strength of our people. As your Palatine, I have been humbled by the many who make our kingdom greater. We see Haense in our laborers who steward the bountiful lands and rivers. We see Haense in our scholars and scribes as defenders of our cultural and historical record. We see Haense in our soldiers who tirelessly work to secure us against the threats beyond our borders who seek to take your rights and freedom from you. Ours is a kingdom with rich history and an ever-expansive horizon of possibility. I bid you all farewell knowing that the best is yet to come. IV JOVEO MAAN, His Excellency, Otto Gant, Lord Palatine of Hanseti-Ruska and Baron of Gant

WEAPONS RESEARCH AND ARMAMENT DEVELOPMENT AGREEMENT “I would have perished had I not persisted” Issued by the GANT CHANCELLERY On this 2nd day of Msitza & Dargundof 484 E.S. ARTICLE I The Dual Monarchy of Hanseti-Ruska and The Collective, hereon referred to as “the signatories”, mutually agree to enter into this beneficial partnership to aid in the development of weapons and research. ARTICLE II I. The Collective shall engage in Research of new weapons and armour for the Kingdom of Haense. During such times, the Collective will offer the Kingdom of Haense a discount on all items made under the agreement. II. The Collective shall charge no fee for any items ordered by the Crown within reason. III. The Collective shall issue the Crown and the Kingdom of Haense first option to buy any items created under the agreement. IV. The Collective will not engage in other RnD agreements with any other nations or factions while this agreement remains in effect. V. Cesar AP Komnenos will be first officer of the agreement and shall act on behalf of the Collective. VI. The Collective will adhere to a grace period of four years before they resell any item created under this agreement unless the Crown and the Kingdom of Haense wish to buy full rights to the item in question. ARTICLE III The Kingdom of Haense shall give the following to The Collective: I. A suitable workshop for no tax related fees. II. Funding for ordered items where objects need to be gotten by monetary means. III. Members of the collective shall have the right to remain unnamed. IV. all rights to items made under the agreement to the collective. ARTICLE IV I. The duration of this agreement shall be until both parties wish to end the agreement Under such ordeal both parties shall engage in a separation agreement to deal with outstanding orders and created items and parties under the collective shall still have the right to remain unnamed. SIGNED, His Excellency, Otto Gant, Lord Palatine of Hanseti-Ruska and Baron of Gant His Royal Majesty, Aleksander II, by the Grace of Godan, King of Hanseti and Ruska, Grand Hetman of the Army, Hochmeister of the Order of the Crow, Prince of Bihar, Dules, Lahy, Muldav, Solvesborg, Slesvik and Ulgaard, Duke of Carnatia and Vanaheim, Margrave of Korstadt, Rothswald and Vasiland, Count of Alban, Siegrad, Werdenburg, Alimar, Baranya, Graiswald, Karikhov, Karovia, Kaunas, Kavat, Kovachgrad, Kvasz, Markev, Nenzing, Torun, Toruv, Valdev, and Werdenburg, Viscount of Varna, Baron of Esenstadt, Kraken’s Watch, Kralta, Krepost, Lorentz, Rytsburg, Buck, Thurant and Astfield, Lord of the Westfolk, Protector and Lord of the Highlanders, etcetera. On behalf of the Collective, His Lordship, Cesar A.P Komnenos, Baron of Westfall

“Ea byk zwem zanyotsk ter ea byk denpetravesk” Motto of the Kingdom of Hanseti-Ruska ‘I would have perished had I not persisted’ THE MARIUS FILES orig. 372 E.S., 373 E.S.| pub. 484 E.S. Or, ENTRIES FROM THE JOURNALS OF DUNCAN KORTREVICH & PRINCE OTTO SIGMAR & PRINCE GODFRIC BRANIMAR DECLASSIFIED BY THE GANT COMMISSION FOREWORD FROM LORD PALATINE OTTO GANT The Marius Files, aptly named after King Marius II who led the Kingdom of Haense in the War of Two Emperors, shall be the last of the released files by the Gant Commission, and possibly the most disturbing. These files provide not only an account of conspiring to murder the Crown, but confirmation of the parties involved in the plot and successful assassination of King Marius II. It is important to note the context of this assassination, which took place after the loss at the Siege of Helena, and the bending of the knee by Haense’s allies, Curon and Ves, after the Marnan cause began to collapse following a string of losses. --- ENTRY FROM THE JOURNAL OF LORD DUNCAN KORTREVICH 272 E.S. Today we have learned of our ally’s cowardice in the face of adversity. The Republic of Ves has once again bent their knee to tyranny, pleading for their lives in exchange for the previous status quo of constant raids and harassment of their citizenry. It did not surprise me when Curon turned their back on us, the renowned rats have never known loyalty or honour, merely opportunism and exploitation but what else can you expect from a heartlander. I cannot deny my surprise and displeasure with our Raevir kin however, the people of Ves received the brunt of the Renatian wrath for many years before this devastating war, and even saw their city go up in flames by the Emperor’s hand. The “Golden Republic '' has turned out to be just another Gilded Oligarchy promising to fight for freedom and rights while making backroom deals for their own self-interests and personal wealth. This unfortunate news leads me to my other more troubling thought; what now? Emperor Joseph resided in Ves, and if they have turned their backs on the Marnan cause, where has our leader gone? King Marius seems determined and set in his ways to continue to support Emperor Joseph but when will he realize the cause is all but dead? The only one still fighting this war is us, and why should we support another Heartlander Emperor when they’ve all left us to clean up their mess? It is high time we blaze our own trail, and I am not the only one who believes it. Prince Otto Alimar has talked with me many times about how he and his brothers have tried to convince the King to declare Haense independent from any Empire or Emperors, yet he continues to fight for another man’s banner and pledge fealty to someone who offers us no aid or protection. Lord Regent Marius Baruch is inclined to the same way of thinking, as is the young Lord Erich Stafyr. The other noble houses grow weary of fighting for another man’s cause instead of our own, even my own kin the Lord Marshal and Knight Paramount show glimpses of their displeasure and frustration, although they would never say it outright. If King Marius does not change our course soon, I fear the worst not only for us, but for him. --- ENTRY FROM THE JOURNAL OF PRINCE OTTO SIGMAR 272 E.S. I tire of my words falling on deaf ears. My royal cousin Marius believes he knows best, that his policy will save this Kingdom and its people. What does he know? What has his policy given us so far? Some thousands dead of soldiers and citizenry alike, an Emperor in exile fleeing from his former vassals, a capital starved of food and dying of illness, and a rejuvenated enemy marching to finish us off. I fear what would happen if the people decide to take matters into their own hands. God knows morale is low enough that anything could happen! My one solace is the knowledge that I am not alone in these thoughts. My brother Godfric, Lord Duncan Kortrevich, and Ser Gerard Stafyr among others all share a disdain for the path our King has taken. Discontent is at a high, yet none seem to have an answer for how to correct our course and save our kingdom. But I do. I have found a man, a bastard brother of some sort to the King, named Hektor Barrow. The man is… troubled, noted to have delusions of grandeur and rage against the royal family for robbing him of his birthright (he claims to be the firstborn, albeit illegitimate, son of King Robert). Such a man should be carefully watched, to ensure that his thoughts do not turn into action against the King. It is good that the King has myself and Godfric beside him at all times to protect him, and loyal knights to keep such threats away from the palace. I know what must be done. If my writing is one day read, let no man doubt my devotion to my Kingdom or my people. Krusae zwy Kongzem. --- ENTRY FROM THE JOURNAL OF PRINCE GODFRIC BRANIMAR 273 E.S. It has now been one year, to the day, since Marius was killed. It happened as Otto had said: he and I would lure Marius into the palace garden, Ser Gerard would allow this Barrow character to breach the palace with a crossbow, Marius is shot and the Barrow is killed by the knight to silence our own involvement. Georg is now regent and peace talks have begun that may save us all, but why then do I feel such guilt for my actions? Marius’ decisions were questionable, this is true. If the war had continued in the manner he described, I doubt I would live to write this now. Countless people, soldiers and civilians alike, may survive if Georg gets his peace. All of these are objective goods, yet I feel as though I am not permitted to celebrate them. I have stained my honor with the blood of my kin in the service of people who will never know my name. Marius is the first King in our history to be murdered in such a way; even Andrik II was executed for treason by the Emperor, not killed by his own nobles. Only God knows what the future holds for us, and I pray that when my time comes, He shall look upon me with pity for the evil I have done in service of the good.

DECLARATION OF REGENCY, 483 E.S. “I would have perished had I not persisted” Issued by the GANT CHANCELLERY In accordance with the wishes of the CROWN On this 10th day of Vyzmey and Hyff of 483 E.S. VA BIRODEO HERZENAV AG EDLERVIK, In the early hours before daybreak, the King embarked on a sacred pilgrimage in the pursuit of knowledge to explore the continent and its many wonders. Prior to his leave, he issued that the Lord Palatine, Otto Gant, serves as his regent in this period. Until his announced return, the Lord Gant shall be the ultimate authority in all matters of state and maintain the integrity of the nation and the Crown on the King’s behalf. IV JOVEO MAAN, His Excellency, Otto Gant, Lord Palatine of Hanseti-Ruska and Baron of Gant

CHANCELLOR’S REPORT: THE MORRIVI OF PROSPERITY Issued by the GANT CHANCELLERY On this 4th day of Vzmey & Hyff of 482 E.S. Va Birodeo Herzenav ag Edlervik, I address you with a solemn and still heart as our nation is in bereavement in light of the loss of our king, Georg. His passing leaves us with much to reflect upon as generations of Haeseni will speak of his legacy and the moments of his reign as an era of great reform and uplift. The foundation he leaves us is not a final farewell but an invitation to continue the work left to be done. I call upon you all Haeseni to enjoin the national effort to renew our promise to the late king’s memory and to usher in what I know will be an age of greatness—the Morrivi of Prosperity. A century and a half ago, my predecessor in this office and our beloved late Benedict Cardinal Jorenus, warned of difficult times, a dark winter of discontent—the Dark Nikirala. During his day, Haense had experienced its difficult moments with malaise, a rise in crime, uneasy relations, and an amoral Church under Owyn III. I can say with confidence that the spring of prosperity is upon us. The time to rejoice is nigh. We stand ever more poised to strengthen the bonds of unity toward a better future. In the Morrivi of Prosperity, for the first time in a generation, more Haeseni can afford their own home. More of our children have the opportunity to receive higher education. Income has never been better with more Haeseni families earning more mina. Our citizens can choose who they love. Our society is changing and our values remain true and withstand the test of time. It has never been a better time to call Haense home. As the season of Morrivi imparts to us, we must be grateful for the bountiful life and the blessings of God that continue to pour forth from the emanations of glory. During my chancellery, we have undertaken bold initiatives to revitalize our cultural unity, to shepherd an age of scholastic renaissance, and the bolstering of our military and diplomatic corps. What cannot be overstated is the tireless efforts of you, the Haeseni people. In the days that test us, we continue to be a bulwark of humanity. I address you all in the spirit of the Morrivi of Prosperity. In our economic affairs, we have lowered our debts and formed an equitable revenues system to support the rapidly expanding markets within our kingdom. In education, we have developed a system to reform and increase literacy, make transparent the records of state, and update our sacred historical record that maintains the traditions and memory of our nation. In our political life, the reforms promulgated by His Late Majesty are now in full force to grow public discourse and legislative process in the first elections of the People’s Duma. This is what a strong, united, and educated society can do together. As your Palatine, it is my honor to uphold the kingdom’s interests in the name of His Royal Majesty’s government. Yet, what remains before us is still at hand. Morrivi cannot come without hard days. The ever persistent threat of geopolitical instability remains an enduring concern of which we pledge our unwavering efforts to maintain the peace. We cannot take any moment for granted while we secure the blessings of a safe and bright horizon for our posterity. Rogue states like Adria and their illegally sanctioned sovereignty present a security and moral dilemma for the world. I call upon all nations to enjoin in collective condemnation of their lawless actions. States like these, and their insurgent allies, constitute an axis of wickedness, forever tarnishing the fabric of a civilized humanity. We must continue to condemn and support the Will of God as directed by the Church and her agents. If we succeed, generations of Haeseni to come will say of us now living that we fulfilled this moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind. The flowers of freedom spring forth in this Morrivi, and I say to you my fellow Haeseni, we are an isle of illumination. I will keep Haense moving forward, always forward, for a better future, for an endless enduring vision and a thousand points of Light. This is my mandate, and I will accomplish it. May God bless our King Aleksandr. IV JOVEO MAAN, His Excellency, Otto Gant, Lord Palatine of Hanseti-Ruska and Baron of Gant

THE VIKTORIAN EDICT VE VIKTORIAN EDYKT “I would have perished had I not persisted” Issued by the GANT CHANCELLERY On this 7th day of Tov and Yermey of 481 E.S. VA BIRODEO HERZENAV AG EDLERVIK, Over the course of the last several decades, Our Great Kingdom has flourished and developed an overarching sense of prosperity and tranquility as a result. Considering the progress that has been made, it is only appropriate for us to additionally acknowledge the mistakes that have also been made by Our Own Government. Hence, the Gant Chancellery’s commitment to transparency through our recent declassification of royal files. In conjunction with the establishment of the Georgian Museum of Histories, the Gant Chancellery recommits to Our promise in ensuring Haeseni history is not only taught but preserved for future generations to behold. For which We make a new promise, in amending the errors of our predecessors, who oversaw the dissolvement of the Royal Academy of Saint Charles and the Royal Archives of Haense. Studies have indicated this has caused Haeseni literacy rates to plummet generation after generation. As per the wishes set by acclaimed scholar, Valtakossar Sir Viktor Kortrevich, former Royal Curator of Haense, We seek to appropriately reallocate funding to the defunct Royal Archives, so that they may be revitalized to proper standing and so that they remain updated by future chancelleries and monarchs. Additionally, We seek to provide affordable education to Our future generations, so that they are raised in a more educated and affluent society. We do therefore Proclaim the Following: ROYAL ARCHIVES I. The Crown hereby allocates funds to the Royal Archives for the purpose of hiring freelance scribes to update and preserve the history of the Kingdom of Hansetti-Ruska. -The following publications and records are in need of updating: I. Kings & Consorts II. Lord Palatines III. Lord Marshals IV. Lord Speakers V. Nobility VI. High Justiciars VII. High Seneschals VIII. Royal Treasurers IX. Lord Emissars II. The Crown henceforth requires for the Royal Archives to be updated every twelve years. - This responsibility falls to the Lord Palatine and the Chancellor of the Museum. - The Crown does hold the right to suspend this time requirement should it be necessary. III. The Crown henceforth requires the Archives to release a detailed study on historical figures every six years. - The Crown does hold the right to suspend this time requirement should it be necessary. FREE EDUCATION I. The Crown and Chancellery hereby mandates free education for the youth of the Kingdom of Hanseti-Ruska for those between the ages of 6-21. II. Those between the ages of 6-21 shall receive free admission into Georgian Museum of Histories. This applies to those both of common and noble descent. III. Those between the ages of 6-21 shall receive free access to Haeseni Public Library and the books within. This applies to those both of common and noble descent. IV JOVEO MAAN, His Excellency, Otto Gant, Lord Palatine of Hanseti-Ruska and Baron of Gant

“Ea byk zwem zanyotsk ter ea byk denpetravesk” Motto of the Kingdom of Hanseti-Ruska ‘I would have perished had I not persisted’ THE MULDAV FILES orig. 313 E.S., 334 E.S.| pub. 481 E.S. Or, A STRATEGY TO BRING ABOUT THE PEACEFUL SEPARATION OF HAENSE AND OREN BY LORD PALATINE OTTO SIGMAR & DEPUTY PALATINE PETYR BARUCH AND LETTERS TO KING JOSEF I BY MEMBER OF COMMONS LUKAS RAKOCZY & LORD SPEAKER VIKTOR KORTREVICH DECLASSIFIED BY THE GANT COMMISSION CIRCULAR FROM THE OTTO SIGMAR CHANCELLERY, 313 E.S. Top Secret - Aulic Council Only (A.C.O.) 1. GENERAL This circular describes thorough instructions and details on this government’s desire to bring a peaceful separation between the states of Haense and Oren in light of increased efforts at centralizing governance within Helena. 2. POLICY In accordance with the wishes of King Sigismund II, all communication between Aulic Councillors and Imperial Ministers and their offices is to be as restricted as possible. Responses must be succinct, lacking in detail, or totally fabricated so as to cause frustration within the Imperial ministries. All discussions regarding centralization of law code, merging of militaries, imposition of taxes, or ennoblement must be met with firm resistance. It must be made clear that, unless at the explicit instruction of the King, this Chancellery will not give ground on these issues. Within the Imperial Diet, elected Haeseni representatives will be briefed on this Chancellery’s objectives. Elected officials are to obstruct, to the best of their ability, any efforts by the legislature to centralize any aspect of governance including but not limited to: taxes, ennoblement, military, the judiciary, etcetera. Any attempts by Heartlander officials to assume control over Haeseni territory, through hidden loopholes in national park legislation or otherwise, will be soundly obstructed and rejected by Haeseni representatives. In addition to obstruction within the legislature, Haeseni candidates for the Josephite party will be hand-picked by the Chancellery to run for office. The Crown will also directly endorse the Josephite party (or whichever party is deemed to be most aligned with Haense’s interests) to guarantee electoral victories in the Kingdom for their candidates. Domestically, this Chancellery will paint Heartlanders as ‘the Other’. This will be to both unite the Haeseni people under their shared heritage as heirs to the Highlands and their loyalty to the Crown and Barbanov, and to paint Heartlanders as the enemy who seeks to take their freedom from them. To this end, any documents produced by this Chancellery will make the clear distinction between ‘Haeseni’ and ‘Orenian’, further driving the notion of the two peoples’ need to be separate. This distinction is also to be made in everyday conversation; any attempt by Imperial officials to refer to the Haeseni people as ‘Imperials’ is to be repudiated at every possible opportunity. 3. CLASSIFICATION Under no circumstances is this circular to be shared outside of the Aulic Council. Any and all implication of coordinated effort to obstruct Imperial governance and promote Haeseni autonomy and independence is to be met with zealous denial until such a time as the Crown sees fit to declassify this circular. --- LETTER FROM LUKAS RAKOCZY TO KING JOSEF, 334 E.S. Top Secret - Aulic Council Only (A.C.O.) To His Majesty Josef, King of Hanseti and Ruska, I pray that you are in good health and spirit and, if you are not, that my words shall bring you that joy you currently lack. Your operatives in the Imperial Diet continue to serve you well. Haeseni representatives, though separated by party affiliation, are united in their resistance to Imperial centralization. I myself have aligned myself with Lauritz Christiansen, the only Independent in the House. Together, and with the support of the Everardines, we have passed bills which lay the groundwork for greater autonomy and authority for you. The Lemonade Reforms, as my colleague has named them, will be of great use in our quest to enshrine greater provincial rights within the law. We have also been granted a great opportunity in Helena. Conrad Barclay, a Haeseni Member of Commons and member of the Electoral Commission in the Ministry of Civil Affairs, has taken possession of the official voter rolls for Haense and Helena. Upon closer inspection and analysis, we have confirmed that many of these registered voters are fake, dead, or otherwise incapacitated and unable to vote. Mister Barclay has also alerted me that the only criteria used to verify a vote is whether said voter is registered within the voter roll. This means that I, in the name of these incapable citizens, would be able to cast a vote for our Haeseni candidates. Through careful planning, this could be used to ensure an electoral victory for all Haeseni candidates, giving the Crown a supermajority within the House of Commons. Such an advantage would undoubtedly be of great use to your cause, sire! There would be no progress in the House without your say so! Josephite bills which seek to strip your authority piece by piece would be dead on arrival, while those bills proposed by our fellow Haeseni to further our cause would be guaranteed passage. I would not dare to take such drastic action without your express approval, my King. If it is your will, I shall begin my forgeries of ballots posthaste. I shall continue to pray for your good health. Your loyal servant, MHC Lukas Rakoczy --- LETTER FROM VIKTOR KORTREVICH TO KING JOSEF, 339 E.S. Top Secret - Aulic Council Only (A.C.O.) To His Royal Majesty King Josef I, It is my greatest hope you receive this letter promptly as the contents of which pertain to the suppressive Imperial subjugation and the foresight on the future of Our Great Kingdom. For twelve years, I have been elected as Lord Speaker of Oren. In this role, I have represented Haeseni interests abroad and have been one of the leading Haeseni voices that have lobbied for Haeseni autonomy. In a concerted effort, I have worked alongside the Haeseni delegation in the House of Commons to achieve the goals of ennoblement rights, military independence, legal jurisdictional autonomy, and the rejection of taxation, as was originally set up by the Otto Sigmar Chancellery some years ago. Within the sixteenth diet, I established a rapport with the Orenian coalition and through contentious debate granted the houses of Vyronov and Ludovar their respective barony and county, resulting in your father’s vassal ennoblement rights to be restored. Through the seventeenth diet, I fervently opposed centralization efforts with regard to conscription into the Imperial State Army. As a result, the Haeseni Royal Army remained autonomous. Most recently in the eighteenth diet, I worked diligently as an opponent towards Imperial taxation over provincial Haense. As a result, the Haeseni subjects weren’t groundlessly burdened with demanding taxes and were able to support local Haeseni businesses instead. Despite all of these coordinated efforts to oppose the Novellan Empire’s unjust acts of persecution and exploitation, Imperial overreach persists. Your Majesty, we as Haeseni deserve autonomy as an independent nation, we as Haeseni deserve to be led by a Haeseni not an Orenian. At the end of this year, I anticipate returning to the nineteenth Imperial diet; for which I will seek re-election as Lord Speaker at your behest, though I fear this will be unlawfully prohibited as tensions continue to rise between Our two nations. Considering these facts along with the partisan divide within the Imperial Diet; I fear the separation between our two nations to be inevitable. As a loyal vassal and confidante of the Crown, let us begin negotiations of a peaceful disconnect, for we are on the brink of war at an age where technology has become so advanced. Yours faithfully, Sir Viktor Kortrevich HKML, Lord Speaker of Oren, Margrave of Korstadt, Viscount of Krusev, Baron of Koravia

WRIT OF APPOINTMENT: DEPUTY PALATINE & LORD REGULATOR OF THE REALM “I would have perished had I not persisted” Issued by the GANT CHANCELLERY In accordance with the wishes of the CROWN On this 7th day of Jula and Piov of 481 E.S. VA BIRODEO HERZENAV AG EDLERVIK, After the successful planning and construction of Valdev with the help of many diligent and patriotic Haensemen, the Lord Palatine can once again turn his attention to governance and the advancements of new ideas in this, our Morrivi of Prosperity. With this being a focal point of the Chancellery, the Lord Palatine wishes for a fresh flow of ideas and new blood to reinvigorate his office. In order to facilitate this, the Chancellery shall create the position of Lord Regulator to oversee and regulate the coming debate of landed nobility. The Lord Regulator shall be tasked with administering and enforcing the rules the Crown creates for his peerage and the specifications with which they can build their homes. Should they overstep or take advantage of these rules, the Lord Regulator shall be tasked with ordering the constructed lands to adhere to the requirements. If they fail to meet expectations a second time, or deny the request, the Lord Regulator along with the Lord Marshall and Brotherhood shall be charged with demolishing the constructed building in question and razing the lands, the peer and his family shall also be brought forth to face the charge of High Treason against the Crown, for which the punishment is death of the Patriarch and stripping of titles completely from the family. After the earnest work of Lord Aleksander var Ruthern in his time as Deputy, the Lord Palatine and the Duke have come to an agreement to part ways, vacating the position of Deputy Palatine and stepping into the position of the newly formed Lord Regulator. The Lord Palatine has seen fit to appoint the young Duchess of Valwyck, Lady Roslin Baruch as the new Deputy Palatine. The Chancellery thanks the Duke Ruthern for his diligent work during his tenure as Deputy, and places the utmost faith in the new Deputy, Duchess Roslin. It is the Palatine’s belief that we have much more to accomplish before this Morrivi of Prosperity ends. IV JOVEO MAAN, His Excellency, Otto Gant, Lord Palatine of Hanseti-Ruska and Baron of Gant

A landscape of Lake Voron, circa. 454 E.S. Naf zwy 5th hag i Joma ag Umund i 476 E.S. PENNED BY: HOLLY RODDAM @Piov & OTTO MALCOLM GANT @Drew2_dude The kingdom is at a pivotal point. As the leading polity with vibrant culture and boundless growth, Haense is in a position to embark in new directions to invigorate its burgeoning social, political, and territorial integrity. This pivotal point can be understood as a moment of multitudes characterized by the advancement of Haense in arenas that demonstrate her enduring presence and ever-expanding horizons. To understand our present, we must first be mindful of how we got here. Regarding the preceding long century, our reflection encompasses events between 339 to 459 E.S. (1786-1906 IC). Spanning across four reigns, Haense’s Almaris Century underscores the evolutionary viewpoints by which modern Haeseni geopolitics is established. Since Haeseni independence, King Josef’s reign saw the beginnings of a new vision for the kingdom’s objectives. Haense emerged as a leading power that cultivated some of the unlikeliest of alliances. Forging new ties and overcoming prejudices from centuries-old grievances, King Josef’s reign saw a novel alignment that rekindled mutual interests with Dwarven and Norlandic diplomacy through the Iron Accords. Safeguarding against potential encroachment, Haense had proven its ability to act through its independent will and ensured its sovereign integrity in an increasingly complex Almarisian political topography. Scenes from the Sutican Intervention, 387 E.S. His successor, Henrik II, affirmed the sovereign and diplomatic ties that maintained mutual respect among nations and safeguarded Haeseni interests as the kingdom increasingly participated in interregional affairs. The Sutican Intervention saw Haense’s expansive military and geographical presence. Deploying military and economic aid to buttress support for Johanna I as head of the Sutican Trade Principality, Henrik II’s reign ushered in the kingdom’s decisive action in shaping the order of the Almarisian Southlands. Yet, Henrik II’s enduring legacy in the shaping of Haeseni foreign affairs was his assertion of the Heinrik II Doctrine. The brainchild of Emissar Andrik Jan Baruch, Haeseni foreign policy was enshrined as an official position adopted by the Monarchy. The doctrine marked a watershed moment in the kingdom’s orientation to the political dynamics that would come to define Haense’s Almaris Century. The doctrine underscored Haense’s unrelenting commitment to maintain her treaty obligations and to furnish all necessary military and economic responsibilities for the defense of human freedom, the Jeremic Liberties, against illiberal rogue states and those who threaten Canonist Princedoms. Accompanying these efforts was an acute investment in Haense’s martial capacity and a strategic outward projection of her cultural cosmopolitanism. Another test to Haense’s resolve came with the reign of King Sigismund III during the onset of the Sinner’s War. Haense’s foreign policy entered into the contentious field of ecclesiastical and Heartland political antagonisms. The Heartlander fissures, the conflict ensuing with Dwarven forces, and the Pontifical reproach of Imperial virtue positioned Haeseni arbitration as a vital partner in upholding the Church’s declarations and maintaining the precedents according to the Iron Accords. For the third time in history, the Haeseni sovereign was named Fidei Defensor. Haeseni Royal Standard The reign of King Karl III reflected the result of many decisive outcomes in the reshaping of human political realms. Karl’s era marked the ascendency of the Haeseni position as one characterized by longevity, prosperity, and unprecedented expansionism. Her territories, her commerce, her sociality, and her diversity are widely enjoyed by her denizens. The incorporation of new peoples saw the dramatic refashioning of a modern and vibrant Haeseni people. The reconfiguration of political affairs across the domain of humanity also created new opportunities for cultural resurgence, an influx of immigration, the negotiation of new commercial centers, and the spark of innovation. The Nikirala of Discontent is over. Morrivi is upon us. Haense’s Almaris Century tells us that the horizon of possibilities is for the Haeseni people to determine. Apprehending that horizon is what is incumbent for a free and proud self-determined nation. Reckoning with the past is necessary to avoid the foreclosure of a future. Bearing no ill will to the old ties that once bound us with the Heartlands, Haense continues to reflect in the present moment to be cooperators of a free and just world. We look to the future to engender new forms of solidarity and rapprochement. The Haeseni writer, Jan Wielki (or John Walker), once asked: “What is Haense?” We argue that this question must be taken up again in our time. As Wielki compellingly reminds us in his essay, Haense: The Frontier State: “This was the Haeseni identity: the relationship between the individual man, his ambition, and the wilderness that was his home. A Haenseman was an individual who struck out to places yet unexplored- the proverbial the edge of the map- to find his fame, to find his fortune, and to find himself. Indeed; the only times that Haense has ever been master of its own destiny, ever truly ‘mounted the world,’ have been when it fully embraced this immutable fact of its existence.” ~ Jan Wielki We assert that Haense’s Almaris Century is a joyful era, a long century of her expansion, increasing cultural wealth, and geopolitical primacy. In the formation of Haense’s sovereignty, the patrimony that all generations have inherited are encapsulated by the national motto: perrisem ne perrisem (I would have perished had I not persisted). The culmination of this ethos has materialized into Haense’s Almaris Century. The kingdom has enjoyed the fruits of her persistence and will marshal the enduring strength of her people to fulfill the national interest. Haense is an idea with a constant gaze toward utopic worlds. The last Haeseni frost before the arrival of Morrivi, 463 E.S. King Georg has led a multifaceted and incredulous example to renew Haense’s regional and worldly commitment to the kingdom’s relations with others. An inclusive vision requires assessing capacious ways to provide for a rapidly changing society and its accompanying changing geopolitical polarities. Within the domestic front, Karosgrad has continued the promise of its allure, welcoming new faces and pursuing new desires in a world otherwise ravaged by arduousness and uncertainty. What is certain now more than ever is the boundless optimism among the Haeseni. Haense is great because Haense is good. Beyond our borders, there are those who are wondering about Haense’s intentions—our willingness to remain resolute and to lead with conviction. They ask whether or not Haense is fully committed, or can continue to cohere to a singular vision, or if her people have the courage to chart new frontiers and protect longstanding values. The answer is resoundingly “Da”.

WRIT OF APPOINTMENT: DEPUTY PALATINE OF THE REALM “I would have perished had I not persisted” Issued by the GANT CHANCELLERY In accordance with the wishes of the CROWN On this 1st day of Msitza and Dargund of 476 E.S. VA BIRODEO HERZENAV AG EDLERVIK, Following the appointment of Lord Carolus Colborn to the position of Lord Speaker, where he shall sit for the foreseeable future as we enter this new era of the Royal Duma which requires much guidance, the position of Deputy Palatine has been vacated. With the attention of the Chancellery being now primarily focused on forming a back-up stronghold for our nation, should the Mori continue their conquest and capture the Red Jewel of Karosgrad from us, the administration and overseeing of the government is in need to fill this vacancy of deputy immediately, as to alleviate some of the burden of work piling up on the Palatine’s desk. With this in mind, Lord Aleksandr var Ruthern (@Demavend) shall be appointed to the position of Deputy Palatine, where his experience as Grand Peer and Duke in administering and overseeing Vidaus and other nobility shall be very useful. Upon the lightening of the workload and end of the Mori Conflict, be it our evacuation of Karosgrad or victory over the Mori, this appointment shall be reconsidered if a need for new blood arises. We have the utmost faith in the Duke Ruthern’s ability, and believe he shall be vital to the work of the Crown. IV JOVEO MAAN, His Excellency, Otto Gant, Lord Palatine of Hanseti-Ruska and Baron of Gant