Xarkly

You can inherit a build but you cannot copy assets 1:1. E.g. if the head of a noble family commissions a castle, his heir/family are entitled to use it upon inheriting the land irp. A future member of the family cannot copy assets of the build for uses in other builds.

PvP now is completely different compared to almost 10 years ago. Back then people were throwing around alchfire, stoneskin, and smoke whispers. Besides, conflict involves a lot more than war and effect potions (i.e. coffee speed) can be a lot more impactful in raids and smaller fights.

speed potions are not a 'small' benefit

The mantle of Aengul was not invoked with impunity. As the bells tolled, somewhere on the continent, the Phoenix resolved not to abide it.

welcome back dwarf team

Moved to The Great Library. It shall be sorted into the appropriate category shortly. If you feel this is a mistake, please contact myself or another moderator.

Yeah, that's sort of the point I'm angling at. If individual players can exempt themselves from the plugin, the only real net result is that this elongates grinding for wars. I think the community has been pretty vocal about reducing war grinding, so I find it pretty baffling how Admins reached the conclusion we should add another layer of grinding on top of the total disaster that has been leather grinding. While well-designed for what it is by Cheez, the unfortunate reality is that this is a pretty delusional idea pushed by an Administration who don't seem to really have any insight into how our war systems operate for players as a whole. One of the reasons cited by Admins when I tried to discuss this with them was to "prevent people bunkering behind their walls" during wartime and being incentivised to defend barns etc. during raids, which seemed to demonstrate they were completely oblivious to the role of leather on the server. End of the day, can't build something good from rotted foundations.

Does the food bag not defeat the entire point of this plugin

strange smell coming from numendil's apartment since this post dropped

ass aura

I think you're mistaking the point of 1.8 to 1.9. This just feels like career PvPers talking to the detriment of the rank-and-file RPers which has always been the big mistake in system design. Tagging specific empire or defycord people to contribute is sort of testament to that fact -- it's a system that needs to be designed for everyone to use and not certain people. It wasn't to promote anyone as a better PvPer or make fights faster anything, but to make it easier for just your average RPer to be able to pick up a sword and contribute to a fight. The reality is that 1.9 takes more of a rhythm and understanding in order to actually land hits in a fight, and nation grunts generally require some training as to how to effectively fight in a warclaim. 1.8 doesn't, so pretty much anyone on the whole server can jump in and at least contribute. I prefer 1.9 and I'm better at 1.9; but 1.8 is better for the server.

Previous Volumes Volume I: The Novellen Twilight Volume II: The Sinners’ War Volume III: The Brothers’ War ___________________________ ____________________________ This is Interregnum: Volume IV. Volume I chronicled the decline of the Holy Orenian Empire, the hegemon under which Humanity had been united for over a century, stemming from the Edict of Separation in 1786 A.H. which saw the Kingdom of Haense separate from the Empire, marking an end to the consolidation of Humanity under one polity. Volumes II-III then explored the Sinners’ War that followed between Oren and and the Tripartite Accord as the Empire tried to reclaim its mantle, and then the subsequent Brothers’ War, where the brothers Frederick Charles Novellen and Peter Augustus Novellen waged civil war for the Orenian throne, and their vision of what Oren ought to be, with King Frederick I prevailing and reforming the Empire as the ‘Kingdom of Oren’. The Sinners’ War and Brothers’ War comprise two wars out of a series of four that forever changed the landscape of Humanity. This Volume of Interregnum shall explore the remaining two wars - the Successors’ War, and the Harvest Revolution. Karosgrad, capital of the Kingdom of Haense c. 1879 The year was 1879 A.H. Ten years had passed since the end of the Brothers’ War. In those ten years, a great upheaval had swept the nations of Almaris. In Oren, King Frederick I had defeated his brother Emperor Peter IV in the Orenian succession crisis that was the Brothers’ War, and formally rechristened the ‘Holy Orenian Empire’ as the ‘Kingdom of Oren’. Although Peter IV had been executed after his seminal defeat at the Battle of New Providence, his surviving supporters fled Oren under the banner of Prince John Casimir Novellen, uncle to both Peter IV and Frederick I (though a supporter of the former). Fearing persecution from the victorious Frederick I, Prince John led his faction south across the Strait of Savoy onto Almaris’ southern landmass, where they carved a refuge in the arid clayhills and called it ‘Balian’. Balian briefly shared the south with the Principality of Savoy. However, after a Thanhium bombardment had destroyed the Savoyard capital, Princess Renata I had struggled to consolidate her scattered people, and eventually resolved to dissolve the Principality in 1875. Most of her subjects migrated to the Kingdom of Oren, which had opportunities aplenty after the defeat of Peter IV and the exodus of his supporters. In the north, King Sigismund III of Haense had died in 1873 in a duel against one of his knights, Ser Walton the Wall (his death was intentional; the King had fallen ill with a cancer of the lungs). In the wake of his death, his son and heir ascended to the Haeseni throne as King Karl III, who was cunning, decisive, and ambitious -- not unlike King Frederick I of Oren. The two monarchs had an unlikely kinship: they were both capable young men, they had been raised in the throes of the Sinners’ War (which was a beneficial adversity; most princes learned of war merely from books), and both burned with an ambition to restore order to the war-torn continent -- their order. At international functions (such as weddings and tourneys), both Kings were amicable and friendly, but their rivalry could not have been clearer: the role of hegemon of Humanity was for the taking. This decade of upheaval was not limited to just Humanity. In the west, the Elven tribes of Celia’nor, Nor’aseth, Fenn, and Elvenesse had joined together to form the ‘Principality of Malinor’, the first Elven hegemon in centuries. Under the leadership of High Prince Vytrek Tundrak, a bellicose Snow Elf, the Malinorians set their sights on unifying all Elfkind; by 1879, their remaining targets were the Kingdom of Elysium (which was not exclusively an Elven state), the Wood Elves of Nevaehlen and the High Elves of Haelun’or, both of whom staunchly opposed the High Prince’s mandate. Their current focus lay on Elysium, which had been invaded by the Orcs of Krugmar under Rex Ar-Borok. Asserting their sovereignty over Elfkind, Malinor had joined the war, which now waged across the western hinterlands of Almaris. So it was that not a corner of the continent was untouched by war. And with war, comes change. _________________________ “It is as the old saying goes. When two men are alike in prowess and ambition, their intentions matter not. Almaris was simply not big enough for both Karl III and Frederick I.” Extract from the memoirs of Eirik Baruch, Lord Palatine of Haense 1849-1873 _________________________ The only nation to escape this wave of change was the Dwarven realm of Urguan. That, however, was much to the disdain of its leader. Grand King Bakir Ireheart had been celebrated among the Dwarves as a hero of the Sinners’ War; his election to the throne by the Dwarven Clans in 1863 had brought a second-wind to the war effort, and was a vital factor in the Tripartite Accord’s decisive victory over the Holy Orenian Empire at the Battle of Eastfleet in 1868. However, Grand King Bakir was the very embodiment of a war-time leader; with the Sinners’ War over, he grew bored and restless. He was only barely restrained by his allies from inserting himself into the war in Elysium, and he was an extremely poor diplomat -- many of Urguan’s alliances (namely the Wood Elves of Nevaehlen and the Kingdom of Norland) were soured by his belligerence. Unlike Almaris’ other prominent monarchs, Grand King Bakir did not harbour some grand ambition nor ideal; he simply craved a good fight. That would soon spell trouble for his closest ally, King Karl III of Haense. The onset of the Successors’ War was a product of the machinations of Humanity and non-Humans colliding in 1879. With the inception of Malinor, the High Elves of Haelun’or, under Sohaer Alaion Miravaris, were deeply concerned that the armies of High Prince Vytrek might attempt a full conquest of their island of Karinah’siol. For now, they were protected only by their geographic position: most of the Elven tribes inhabited the western woods and plains, whereas Karinah’siol was an island off Almaris’ east coast. When Malinor concluded its war with Krugmar in Elysium, however, Sohaer Alaion worried they would be next. Diplomatically, the High Elves were somewhat of a pariah, as most of Almaris’ large nations had pacts with Malinor. Before the outbreak of the Elysium war, the Orcs of Krugmar - who had been enjoying an uncommon period of power and influence under Rex Ar-Borok - had offered the High Elves protection from Malinor, who were his rivals for dominion of western Almaris, and the High Elves accepted, becoming a protectorate of Krugmar in 1871. However, Rex Ar-Borok found himself in a bind after he invaded the Kingdom of Elysium; although his Orcs were initially triumphant in the Sacking of Elysium in 1873, Malinor’s entry into the conflict locked the Orcs into a war which they were slowly losing. With the Orcs of Krugmar occupied, Haelun’or was vulnerable. That was where King Karl III of Haense and King Frederick I saw an opportunity. _________________________ “The two nations will become one, under the Horde’s banner. Under the will of the Rex of the Iron’Uzg, and by the will of the Spirits, they will thrive and grow strong. They are now one army, one nation, one Horde. As the two nations are now one, an attack on either Haelun’or - a citystate of the Horde - or any other territories of the Iron’Uzg, will be met with extreme violence.” Rex Ar-Borok, The Expansion, on the unification of the Orcs and High Elves, c. 1871 _________________________ King Karl III and King Frederick I were not so interested in the High Elves themselves, but rather the island which they inhabited. Karinah’siol lay off Almaris’ eastern coast and had a dominant position over the continent’s eastern sea corridor. In the hands of a militarised nation, the island’s strategic positioning could not be understated. While the High Elves had lived on Karinah’siol for centuries, however, Humanity had been content to let things lie; conquering the island - and the fortified Silver City - would be a very costly endeavour, and, so long as no rivals held the island, it was no great threat. Against the backdrop of the war between Krugmar and Malinor, however, both Karl III and Frederick I saw a means of obtaining the island for themselves without any war at all. Rex Ar-Borok of Krugmar was losing his war against High Prince Vytrek of Malinor, and was in dire need of both manpower and money. While the former was out of the question - neither Karl III nor Frederick I dared upset the delicate balance of power between them by driving Malinor into an alliance with their rival - the latter certainly was not. Both monarchs entered negotiations with Ar-Borok to buy the island of Karinah’siol from him (much to the woe of the High Elves themselves; they appear to have been utterly powerless). Karl III evidently gained the upper-hand (likely due to the Kingdom of Haense being simply of greater means; Oren’s treasuries were still stunted from the Sinners’ War and the Brothers’ War), but his negotiations with Rex Ar-Borok hit a major snag in their eleventh hour -- a snag named Grand King Bakir Ireheart of Urguan. Eager for battle, Grand King Bakir leapt at the opportunity to do so when one arose in early 1879; his kin, Balor Ireheart, had become embroiled in a dispute while visiting Krugmar, and was slain in an honour-duel against an Olog. However, all of Balor Ireheart’s Dwarven companions were put to the sword, too (the reasons for this are not known), and Grand King Bakir did not waste a moment -- as soon as word reached the Dwarven capital of Kal’Darakaan, the Grand King set out to Krugmar with an army of 2,700 Dwarves. They reached Krugmar on the 3rd of Owyn’s Light 1879, but the Orcs did not rush to do battle. In fact, they were eager to make amends (this was probably not in the spirit of justice; Rex Ar-Borok had recently suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of Malinor at the Battle of Mount Karimir, and simply could not afford another enemy). Grand King Bakir demanded reparations in the sum of 11,000 minas, which the Orcs simply could not afford. The Grand King did not care, and did not budge one coin from his demands. The Orcs could not pay reparations in gold. Grand King Bakir was happy to collect the debt in blood instead. _________________________ “It was assumed after Krug refused the temptations of Iblees and helped defeat the Archdaemon, his descendants would be the strongest, and most honourable. But, as history has demonstrated, the Orcs of Krug have lost their way, dishonoured their great ancestor, and dishonoured what he stood for.” Excerpt from Grand King Bakir Ireheart’s ransom demands to the Orcs of Krugmar, c.1879 _________________________ In the Battle of the Light Purse, Grand King Bakir killed as many Orcs as he could before Rex Ar-Borok withdrew to his stronghold. , Without the means nor patience for a siege, Grand King Bakir marched back to Urguan, leaving Orcish heads as road markers en-route. Upon his return to Kal’Darakaan, he issued fresh demands to Krugmar: 7,500 coins, the heads of Balor Ireheart’s killers, and a tribute of Orcish leather. Rex Ar-Borok appealed for aid from his allies of the Tripartite Accord, but of all the nations in the alliance, only the Kingdom of Haense could rein in Grand King Bakir. King Karl III was left in an unenviable position. He was on the precipice of finalising the sale of the island of Karinah’siol, but the Dwarves were his closest ally. His fear was that without Grand King Bakir, King Frederick I of Oren might gain supremacy over him (a worry that was fuelled by Frederick I’s growing bond with the Elves of Malinor). If there was any backroom diplomacy between Karl III and Grand King Bakir, it bore no fruit. While Karl III evidently felt he could not alienate his closest ally, he instead arranged a peace summit in the Haeseni capital of Karosgrad between the Dwarves of Urguan and the Orcs of Krugmar in the hopes of resolving the feud without jeopardising his efforts to secure Karinah’siol. The stakes for King Karl III were particularly high at this point. The ‘box’ that was Karinah’siol had already been opened; if Karl III failed to resolve with Urguan to Rex Ar-Borok’s satisfaction, then the Rex would almost certainly sell the island to King Frederick I of Oren instead. With the island in his rival’s hands, Haense’s naval power would be severely impeded. Karl III vested his hopes in the Conference of Karosgrad, held on the 8th of Tobias’ Bounty 1879. Today, the Conference is not remembered as a peaceful conclave, but as the moment when the kindling of the Successors’ War was lit. When King Karl III and Grand King Bakir met in the Haeseni capital, only a single goblin from Krugmar attended, carrying a message from Rex Ar-Borok: “suck mi toez”. That same day, alarming reports reached Karl III: King Frederick I had met Rex Ar-Borok in Oren, and they appeared to be on the cusp of a deal to cede Karinah’siol to Oren. Karl III and Grand King Bakir immediately switched tactics. They had to do something to keep Karinah’siol out of Oren’s hand. And so, they declared war on the Orcs of Krugmar -- and named Karinah’siol as their target. The Silver City of Haelun’or, c. 1880 The Successors’ War began with the declaration of the Kingdom of Haense and the Dwarves of Urguan against the Orcs of Krugmar on the 10th of Harren’s Folley 1879. King Karl III and Grand King Bakir Ireheart’s plan was to force King Frederick I’s hand away from Haelun’or and its island of Karinah’siol -- if Haelun’or, as a protectorate of Krugmar, had now become the target of war, then they hoped that King Frederick I would be deterred from interfering, lest he become embroiled in the war himself. On the part of Karl III and Grand King Bakir, it was a daring but dangerous bluff. To this end, they called on their allies to appear as daunting as possible. While the Tripartite Accord from the Sinners’ War had fallen defunct (Savoy was dissolved, and neither the Elves of Nevaehlen nor the Norlanders wished join on account of Grand King Bakir), they found a new ally in the south - the Duchy of Balian. It had been ten years since the Orenian exiles from the Brothers’ War established their refuge, and they had steadily grown under Duke John I. Now, they wished to make their military debut on the continent. Together, they called themselves the ‘Eastern Treaty’. Alas, despite their efforts, the Eastern Treaty would soon learn that King Frederick I of Oren was not so easily deterred. On the 15th of the Sun’s Smile 1879, the King of Oren played his hand when the Peace of Vienne was signed in the Orenian capital of Vienne. In exchange for the island of Karinah’siol, Oren would not only pay Rex Ar-Borok 10,000 coins, but King Frederick I had also arranged a peace treaty between the Orcs of Krugmar and the Elves of Malinor. It was an exponentially better deal than King Karl III had ever offered. The war in Elysium ended, and Haelun’or - which was renamed as the ‘Enclave of Fi’Halen’ - remained on Karinah’siol, only now as vassals to the Kingdom of Oren. King Frederick I had engaged Karl III and Bakir Ireheart in a game of deadly chicken; now, he espoused that Karinah’siol was Canonist, Orenian land, the invasion of which would be wanton aggression on the part of the Eastern Treaty. To compound Frederick I’s gambit, the Canonist Church favoured his position: towards the end of 1879, High Pontiff Tylos III warned the Eastern Treaty to dispense with any plans of attacking the now-Orenian territory of Karinah’siol. Instead, he bid King Karl III turn his forces west, and to bring the light of Canonism to the Orcs’ home territories. In diplomatic terms, King Frederick I had pulled a rabbit out of a hat. The question became whether the Eastern Treaty would fold. _________________________ “Before, We had endorsed the efforts of Haense, Urguan, and now Balian to seize the island of Haelun’or from the misguided Orcs of Krugmar. Now, however, the situation has changed with the King of Oren acquiring the land in the Peace of Vienne. With the island of Haelun’or now under the protection of a Canonist Prince, We no longer endorse the eastward push of the Treaty forces.” High Pontiff Tylos III, Confusionem Purgare, c. 1879 _________________________ The snows came, heralding the new year of 1880. With winter’s reprieve, King Karl III deliberated. King Frederick I had made an excellent gamble with the Peace of Vienne, and left the King of Haense and the Eastern Treaty with precious few options. If King Karl III dispensed with his efforts, then not only would King Frederick I secure the strategically-important Karinah’siol for good, but standing down would be a momentous blow to Haense’s prestige and serve to cement King Frederick I as the continent’s premier monarch. No Human blood had been shed, but the two kings were already entrenched in a battle. At the turn of 1880, the King of Oren seemed to be winning that battle. Haense and Urguan had defeated Oren before in the Sinners’ War - when it was at its apex under Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I - but things now were not quite the same. While the Haeseni and Dwarven armies were strong, they were missing their allies of Norland, Nevaehlen, Savoy (which was now dissolved), and Krugmar itself. While the Duchy of Balian was a welcome boost to the East Treaty’s troop-count, King Frederick I was far from weak: Oren had mostly recovered from the Brothers’ War (and the Sinners’ War before that), and he was capable of raising a substantial army of his own. Frederick I also had a powerful vassal in the Barony of Acre, ruled by Baron Gustaf de Vilain, who had replaced Arichsdorf as Oren’s breakbasket, and was home to a powerful militia. King Frederick I had also built a stalwart network of allies, as he proved in the Peace of Vienne. The High Elves themselves would bolster his army (though, contemporarily, High Elves made for poor soldiers), and now Rex Ar-Borok of Krugmar was also indebted to him. Most concerning of all for the Eastern Treaty, however, were the Elves of Malinor: it was well known Frederick I had some ties to High Price Vytrek Tundrak, but it was not known how deep those ties ran until Frederick I had arranged an end to the war in Elysium, a feat which many did not think him capable of. As spring neared, the time came for King Karl III to decide. The story goes that he marched into the chambers of his wife, Queen Amadea of Susa, and asked her if she was pregnant; when she answered no, Karl III summoned his war council. _________________________ “Herzen Ruthern, It is by this Writ that I bid you take command of the ‘Majid’ warship with your levymen, with which I shall bolster with 200 Brotherhood soldiers, and sail for the island of Karinah’siol. There, you are to occupy the Haelun’orian port and fortify it against Orenian ships. Our friends in Urguan have arranged to meet you on the island. Krusae Zwy Kongzem.” Official orders of King Karl III to Duke Aleksandr var Ruthern to occupy Karinah’siol, c. 1880 _________________________ King Karl III decided to test King Frederick I’s mettle. However, logistically, the Successors’ War would prove to be a complicated affair. The Eastern Treaty ratified their intention to conquer the High Elven island of Karinah’siol when, on the morning of the 11th of the Sun’s Smile 1880, the Majid (a Haeseni warship named after an elephant owned by the late King Sigismund III) departed from the docks of Karosgrad with 600 Brother of Saint Karl and House Ruthern levymen soldiers aboard under the command of Duke Aleksandr var Ruthern. The Majid’s voyage was coordinated with the Iron Arboretum, an armoured Dwarven steamship which sailed from Kal’Darakaan on Grand King Bakir’s orders with 500 Dwarven troops. Both ships were bound for the island of the High Elves. The forces dispatched were, evidently, modest; while the target of the conflict may have been Karinah’siol, the island lay off Almaris’ eastern coast. Therefore, both King Frederick I and the monarchs of the Eastern Treaty had to be cautious not to send too much of their armies to the island, lest they leave their own mainland territories vulnerable. Shortly after noon, an Orenian fishing trawler reported sighting the Mejid crossing Orenian waters, and reported it to garrison at Fort Tioess. Two hours later, King Frederick I learned of his rival’s persistence, and he acted swiftly. Frederick I immediately claimed that the Eastern Treaty was attacking Orenian land, and to counter them he revealed an alliance network of his own that same evening -- the ‘Sovereign States’, consisting of the Kingdom of Oren, the Orcs of Krugmar, the High Elves of Fi’Halen (otherwise known as Haelun’or), and, somewhat surprisingly, the Kingdom of Elysium. While Elysium was an unexpected foe, they were not a daunting one. Despite Frederick I’s strong showing with the Sovereign States, it actually uplifted the morale of the Eastern Treaty for one simple reason: the alliance did not include the Elves of Malinor, the only real third-party force on the continent capable of disrupting the balance between King Karl III and King Frederick I. At first light the next morning, Frederick I deployed his own warship, the Owynsfire, with 500 Orenian legionnaires to rendezvous with the High Elves on Karinah’siol. Like the Eastern Treaty, Frederick I only sent a small force to the island; it was clear both the Eastern Treaty and the Sovereign States intended to fight the bulk of the war on the continental mainland. The Owynsfire arrived at Karinah’siol that afternoon to find that the Mejid and the Iron Arboretum had already made landfall, and the Eastern Treaty soldiers had occupied the main Haelunorian port while the High Elves themselves had retreated to the Silver City. The Owynsfire docked at a natural harbour on the opposite end of the island that night, and, over the next few weeks, the two forces exchanged in skirmishes throughout the island. On the mainland, things moved a little slower as both alliances gathered their forces and exchanged political barbs (with the Sovereign States accusing the Eastern Treaty of attacking Orenian land unprovoked, and the Eastern Treaty accusing the Sovereign States of ‘hijacking’ their war with the Orcs). King Karl III and King Frederick I once again competed in deal-making as they tried to secure contracts with Almaris’ two main mercenary groups, the Ferrymen Band and the Hounds of Blackvale. A bidding war ensued, but the result was quite unsurprising: the Ferrymen Band, who had fought against Oren at the Battle of Eastfleet in 1868, joined the Karl III’s Eastern Treaty, and the Blackvale Vrijkorps (also known as the Hounds of, or the County of, Blackvale), who had lived in Oren since 1856, joined Frederick I’s Sovereign States. By the end of summer, both alliances had marshalled their forces throughout their respective nations, and awaited the looming confrontation. _________________________ “Since time immemorial, the days in which Horen’s tribes first roamed the plains of ancient Aegis, there has been warfare. But every war worth fighting for must have behind it a just cause. Pray tell, what is the cause which you seek to truly fight for? The natives of Fi’Halen have done no wrong, and His Holiness has withdrawn his blessing for the invasion that you had so desperately sought. We now stand at a crossroads. Our King offers you the chance to turn back, to break this ghoulish cycle. Once again, he has offered you his hand in this pursuit. Turn away his hand, and dread it as we may, we will have no other choice.” Archancellor Conrad de Falstaff to King Karl III, c. 1880 _________________________ As small-scale fighting continued across the island of Karinah’siol, so too did skirmishes flare up across mainland Almaris. Spearheaded by the Ferrymen Band, the Eastern Treaty engaged in a brutal raiding campaign across the territories of the Sovereign States (such as the Storming of Daeland, when the Daelish piastdom was crushed for aligning with Oren). While Oren was well-accustomed to Ferrymen raiding from the Sinners’ War, the same could not be said for some of the other nations of the Sovereign States, namely the Kingdom of Elysium. The mixed-race nation in the west was largely non-militant, and were especially vulnerable to Eastern Treaty raiders, which placed Queen Leika de Astrea of Elysium under internal pressure over her decision to join the war. It was one of these raids that set the stage for the climax of the Successors’ War. On the 21st of Harren’s Folley 1880, House Romstun - bannermen of the Haeseni House of Baruch - went marauding into Oren and captured an Orenian noble of the House of Komnenos, whom they brought back to Karosgrad, where Ser Grigori Vyronov (Haense’s field commander) issued a ransom demand of 3,000 mina to King Frederick I. Keen to gain a victory after weeks of harrying raids, Frederick I summoned the armies of the Sovereign States to Vienne and prepared to march into Haense, and so the Eastern Treaty assembled themselves in Karosgrad. At noon on the 24th of Harren’s Folley 1880, the 5,500-strong Sovereign States army marched from Vienne under the command of Hannes de Vilain (the father of Baron Gustaf de Vilain of Acre, who was his father’s lieutenant of the army) and Sir Edmond de Rouen, a distinguished Savoyard who had served as an Orenian commander since the Sinners’ War. That same day, 6,700 Eastern Treaty troops left Karosgrad under the banners of Prince Sergei Bihar (King Karl III’s twin brother), Ser Grigori Vyronov, Sigrun Ireheart (marshal of the Dwarven Legion), and Andronikas Mareno of the Ferrymen Band. As both forces marched towards the Haeseni-Orenian border (which was near the Barony of Acre), an Orenian scout hailed a Haeseni scout when they crossed in the woods near Dobrov. The scout, carrying a message from Hannes de Vilain, invited the Eastern Treaty to meet them near Acre to do battle, and so the two sides agreed. Night fell as the Eastern Treaty and the Sovereign States approached the wheatfields of Acre, and manoeuvred back and forth between strategic positions; each time one side moved, the other side moved to counter them in the hopes of holding the advantageous position by the time the sun rose and the fighting could begin. Andronikos Mareno, however, caught Hannes de Vilain by surprise: he ordered an attack before sunrise, in the grey of the morning, beginning the Battle of Acre. Ser Grigori and Andrikos Mareno led the Eastern Treaty cavalry in a sundering charge against the Sovereign States, and caught them while Hannes de Vilain was shifting his formations. Whether it was sheer luck or tactical brilliance, Andronikos Mareno could not have chosen a better chance to strike -- the Sovereign States cavalry was moving over a cliff (to a better position, unaware that the Eastern Treaty was attacking), briefly isolating them from the main infantry. That ‘brief’ window was all that was needed for Eastern Treaty cavalry to strike discord into the Sovereign States’ ranks, before the infantry of Prince Sergei Bihar and Sigrun Ireheart crashed into them. Worse, the difference in numbers between the two alliances was exacerbated by the fact that a sizable portion of the 5,500 Sovereign States troops were High Elves and Elysians, who were poorly trained and unaccustomed to battle (unlike Haense, Oren, Urguan, Balian, and Krugmar, all of whom had fought in the Sinners’ War). The Eastern Treaty cavalry encircled the Sovereign States infantry, biting at their rear and preventing the Orenian cavalry from coming to their aid. By mid-morning, the Blackvale Vrijkorps - unable to penetrate the Eastern Treaty encirclement - left the battlefield entirely. Shortly before midday, the ragged Southern States’ formation collapsed completely; Prince Sergei and Ser Grigori pincered Hannes de Vilain’s command unit, while Sir Edmond withdrew what Southern States troops he could back towards Vienne. By noon of the 25th of Harren’s Folley 1880, the Battle of Acre had ended. It was a disaster for the Sovereign States alliance. The Barony of Acre, c. 1881 In many respects, the Battle of Acre was disappointing. It would be the only climax of the Successors’ War. In the aftermath, the Blackvale Vrijkorps retreated to the ruins of Arichsdorf and, on the 13th of Godfrey’s Triumph 1880, rescinded their contract with the Kingdom of Oren. Both Hannes de Vilain and Gustaf de Vilain were captured in the Battle and taken back to Karosgrad. From his new ‘guests’, King Karl III learned something very interesting: the Barony of Acre opposed the war. They saw King Frederick I’s intervention in the conflict as reckless, a belief largely fostered by the fact that the Acremen were either migrants or descendants of Arichsdorf, who had spent the past generation fighting for the ambitions of Orenian monarchs that they did not share. Karl III reached an agreement with the Acremen; Hannes de Vilain would remain under house arrest in Karosgrad, while Baron Gustaf was released. Not only had Frederick I lost a swathe of troops, morale, and his mercenary corps, but he had also lost his best general. Fortunately for him, the Eastern Treaty did not occupy Acre itself (likely by agreement with Baron Gustaf), and withdrew to Karosgrad after the Battle, leaving Frederick I with some breathing room to regroup and recover. In the interim, he still had some diplomatic cards to play, and so he appealed to High Pontiff Tylos III. Since his warning to deter the Eastern Treaty from attacking Haelun’or, the High Pontiff had gone rather silent; in all likelihood, there was little the Church could do other than excommunicate the Canonist leaders of the Eastern Treaty (namely Karl III and Duke John Casimir of Balian), but Tylos III was very reluctant to do that. In the Sinners’ War, High Pontiff Everard VI’s excommunication of Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I had placed the Canonist Church in a predicament whereby they stood at an impasse with the excommunicated monarchs, who would not abdicate, and the Orenian people, who were now alienated from the Church. If he were to excommunicate the King of Haense and Duke of Balian, Tylos III faced a real risk of instigating a schism that would leave the Church with just the support of the Kingdom of Oren, who had just suffered a major defeat at Acre. What Tylos III could do, however, was to push for peace between the Canonist nations of Haense, Balian, and Oren. At the High Pontiff’s behest, those three nations met in Karosgrad that winter (on the 12th of Sigismund’s End 1880) to negotiate an end to the war, though it bore little fruit -- to end the war now would be a victory for the Sovereign States (since Karinah’siol was still held by Frederick I’s High Elven vassals), and so the Eastern Treaty could not agree to peace without concessions from Frederick I, which were not forthcoming. Eventually, it was agreed that while the Eastern Treaty would not abandon their invasion of Haelun’or, they would refrain from attacking Oren proper (essentially limiting the war to just the Haelun’orian island of Karinah’siol). This was an enormous diplomatic blunder on the part of Haense and Balian, and one that almost truly did see King Karl III excommunicated. _________________________ It is worth noting that the rhetoric surrounding the Eastern Treaty’s casus belli for attacking Haelun’or was grounded in a hunt for ‘Azdrazi’ -- the Dragonkin cultists of Azdromoth who were rumoured to inhabit both Haelun’or and the karstlands near Krugmar. Originally, the Eastern Treaty claimed they wished to scour the Dragonkin from Haelun’or, which was, most clearly, a fabrication. Author’s note. _________________________ How the Church summit of the 12th of Sigismund’s End 1880 ended in such a diplomatic farce for the Eastern Treaty is somewhat of an enigma. At the outset, it ought to be stated why the commitment to avoid fighting on the mainland was so controversial. The Eastern Treaty had placed enormous pressure on King Frederick I in the war in their raiding campaigns, which were not only used to undermine and weaken his allies in the Sovereign States, but were used as a tactic to lure the Sovereign States into disadvantageous clashes (as had been the case with the Battle of Acre). By pledging to stop those raids, the Eastern States surrendered that upper-hand and gave the Sovereign States the time and focus to rebuild their army to defend Karinah’siol. Consequently, the Ferrymen Band and the Dwarves of Urguan were outraged at Haense and Balian (as were many within their own nations). It is unclear how this agreement came about. One version of events is that King Karl III left the summit before its conclusion, and his Palatine Isabelle Baruch had assented to the High Pontiff’s request. Another telling of the story is that High Pontiff Tylos III mischaracterised what he was asking the Eastern Treaty’s Canonist monarchs to agree to. In any case, the ‘why’ is not of great importance. Facing dissent from their allies and the loss of their advantage in the war effort, Karl III and Duke John I responded in a most bizarre fashion: they publicly rebuked the High Pontiff, and claimed that he was lying -- according to them, the agreement was simply not to attack clergymen of the Church (which appears to be a thinly-veiled deception; there are no records of attacks on clergymen throughout the war, and so it is inexplicable why a pact to that effect would suddenly be made now). While the proclamation firmed the resolve of the Eastern Treaty once more, it was not without consequences for Karl III and Duke John. While High Pontiff Tylos III ultimately did not excommunicate the duo despite their accusations that he had deceived them (for the reasons opined above), he did revoke the title of ‘Fidei Defensor’ from King Karl III. The title - meaning ‘Defender of the Faith’ - was of symbolic importance; it had been granted to King Sigismund III of Haense after High Pontiff Everard VI had been rescued from the ill-fated Michaelite Schism sponsored by Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I right before the outbreak of the Sinners’ War, and had come to represent the Kingdom of Haense’s gradual triumph over Oren. Though certainly a prestigious loss for Karl III, it did little to affect the war as a whole. Later in 1881, however, the Eastern Treaty would suffer a second, and much more grievous, blow. On the 29th of Horen’s Calling 1881, Grand King Bakir Ireheart strolled the roads of Urguan, alone. There, he was set upon and captured by Acremen. _________________________ “You have masked the political expansion onto the sovereign soil of High Elves due to a disagreement and grudge with the Blood Rex of the Iron’Uzg. The rights to your grudge may be facilitated through an honour war with the Iron’Uzg, but we will not entertain the conquest of a sovereign people, nor their genocide. The mandate of my forbearing ancestors was peace, and it is peace I will fight to maintain through compromise.” King Frederick I, To the Senate of Hammers, following the Grand King’s capture, c. 1881 _________________________ In the same vein as the Canonist summit, it is a mystery of baffling proportions as to why Grand King Bakir took to the wilderness on his lonesome during wartime. Perhaps he had thought Oren did not dare launch any raids after their defeat at Acre. Whatever his logic may have been, he was captured and imprisoned by King Frederick I in Vienne. Grand King Bakir’s capture was a sorely-needed morale boost for the Sovereign States, who remained in disarray after their defeat Acre last winter. In his captive, Frederick I saw a renewed chance at victory: if he could levy the Grand King as a hostage to force the Dwarves of Urguan to withdraw from the war, then he might equal the playing field between himself and Karl III. In fact, once the Sovereign States army had fully regrouped, they might even outnumber a Dwarf-less Eastern Treaty. On the 3rd of Owyn’s Light 1881, Frederick I issued his demands to Urguan in those terms. The Dwarven Senate urgently convened, and soon responded to the King of Oren later that month in no uncertain terms -- “this changes nothing”. Either the Dwarves would see Grand King Bakir made a martyr, or they were content to let him die for his folly of being captured. Either way, the Dwarves exhibited their infamous stubbornness, and would not bow to Orenian demands. The Dwarves did, however, offer an exchange of hostages (they held a number of Orenian nobles), though Frederick I declined to trade. This was not to say that Grand King Bakir became a worthless hostage. It must be recalled that while Grand King Bakir lacked an affinity for governance (a consequence of which the Successors’ War came about in the first place), he was an excellent military leader. His loss would absolutely be felt by the Dwarven legion, who lacked any other warrior capable of filling the Grand King’s role. Still, that was a far cry from what Frederick I hoped to achieve with his capture. He kept the Grand King as prisoner, and hoped the Dwarves would reconsider his demands. The Sovereign States’ short-lived optimism ended later in 1881 when Rex Ar-Borok began marauding in Haense with 2,500 Orcs. They did not get far before they were intercepted by a 4,000-strong Eastern Treaty army, who massacred the Orcs in the Battle of Redsnows. As 1881 progressed, upsets continued to mount for the Sovereign States when raiders of House Romstun began pillaging across the Kingdom of Elysium, and captured Lord Commander Ellathor Vanari, general of Elysium’s forces. After extracting the Lord Commander back to Karosgrad, a ransom demand was issued. Mirroring King Frederick I’s efforts, Argus Romstun called on Elysium’s surrender. Queen Amadea of Haense convened with Queen Leika de Astrea on the 5th of Tobias’ Bounty 1881. The result was the Kingdom of Elysium’s complete withdrawal from the Sovereign States. _________________________ “I do not suspect the King of Oren had ill-motives when he adjoined the Kingdom of Elysium to this war, but they are tragic victims nonetheless. The likes of the Ferrymen Band and the Marian Knights, unleashed upon the likes of the Elysian? It is a cruel joke.” Queen Amadea of Haense on the Treaty of Crow and Fox, c. 1881 _________________________ The Kingdom of Elysium had never been a great threat to the Eastern Treaty, but their cessation from the war was demoralising for the rest of the Sovereign States. It must have been a vexing thing for King Frederick I; he had captured the Grand King of Urguan, and yet the Dwarven Senate remained steadfast, then later that year his own ally abandoned him when the Eastern Treaty captured a mere general, rather than the monarch themselves. Alas, it ought not to have been greatly surprising -- the Elysians were, as I have already opined, unskilled and unsuited for battle. Queen Leika de Astrea had no doubt joined the Sovereign States in the first place as a security guarantee to protect them from Rex Ar-Borok of Krugmar, who had invaded them not so long ago. With losses accumulating in Elysium and the constant incursions of raiders, it seemed much safer for Queen Leika to accept the guarantees offered by the Eastern Treaty instead. Compounding the Orcish defeat the Battle of Redsnows and the cessation of Elysium, the Sovereign States were visited by misfortune yet again later in 1881. On the night of the 19th of the Sun’s Smile 1881, the House of Romstun joined a small cadre of Dwarven warriors and rode to Vienne, where they planned to free Grand King Bakir from captivity. This was not a pipe-dream; while it would have been impossible to infiltrate the Orenian capital and the gaol beneath the palace, they had an ally -- a turncloak of King Frederick I’s court, Primrose Gendik (an Orenian doctor). Her motives were not known; her involvement in the gaolbreak was only revealed decades later, after letters were recovered from the manor of House Romstun in Valwyck (after they had migrated from Haense to the Duchy of Adria). It appears safe to presume she, similar to Gustaf de Vilain and his father, disagreed with her King’s propagation of the war. Freed from Vienne thanks to Primrose Gendik, Grand King Bakir Ireheart returned to Kal’Darakaan on the morning of the 21st of the Sun’s Smile 1881, much to the elation of the Eastern Treaty. King Frederick I’s difficulties continued to accumulate. At the War’s outset in 1879, he had held all the cards: he had peacefully vassalized Haelun’or, he held great sway within Malinor, he had the services of the Blackvale Vrijkorps, he had a comprehensive network of allies, he had the favour of High Pontiff Tylos III, and he had a powerful vassal in Acre to supplement his army. By the midsummer of 1881, however, the Elves of Malinor remained steadfastly neutral (likely a product of their ties with the Ferrymen Band); the Blackvale Vrijkorps had abandoned the war; Tylos III and the Church had gone as far as they could; and the Sovereign States teetered on the verge of collapse (Elysium had withdrawn from the War, and the strength of Rex Ar-Borok’s Orcs was utterly spent from years of fighting Malinor, followed by the successive defeats at the Battle of Acre and the Battle of Redsnows). Of Oren’s advantages, only two remained. Frederick I still held the island of Karinah’siol -- since the war began, the 900 Eastern Treaty troops under Duke Aleksandr Ruthern had intermittently skirmished with the 500 Orenians sent to assist the High Elven garrison, whose mages pelted the Haeseni and Dwarven invaders from atop the walls of the Silver City with spells. Their fighting had mostly fizzled out as they awaited the conclusion of the war on the mainland -- both forces remained on the island purely to prevent the other from fortifying it, leaving the fate of the island in stasis. The Haeseni had suffered a blow, however, when a High Elven mage sundered the Majid with a fireball. That just left King Frederick I with his most critical asset - the Barony of Acre. And, that winter, he lost that asset. The Kingdom of Elysium, c. 1881 King Frederick I was not unreasonable in his belief that the Successors’ War could still be his to win (a belief strongly shared by his Archchancellor, Conrad de Falstaff). At the Battle of New Providence - the climax of the Brothers’ War, where Frederick I had defeated his brother to secure the Orenian throne - Frederick I had fielded an army of almost 10,000, and that had been with Oren divided by civil war. It was not inconceivable that he could raise an army of that strength again and stand his ground against the Eastern Treaty, even without most of the Sovereign States. That was the end towards Frederick I began to work towards in the latter half of 1881. In Acre, however, Baron Gustaf de Vilain had had enough. In a move that shocked the world and determined the fate of the Successors’ War (and the fate of the Kingdom of Oren as a whole), the Baron of Acre declared the withdrawal of Acre from the War on the 30th of Harren’s Folley 1881. Given the substantial Orenian losses (primarily stemming from the Battle of Acre), Baron Gustaf felt as if he could no longer justify sending his militiamen to die for the sake of the Haelun’orian island. In the immediate aftermath, King Karl III released Hannes de Vilain, who had remained as a hostage in Karosgrad since his defeat at the Battle of Acre. King Frederick I had deftly managed all of the upsets suffered since the Sovereign States were defeated at the Battle of Acre, but his losses had finally escalated beyond his control. With Acre’s withdrawal, the other nobles of the Grenz region followed suit, styling themselves as the ‘Harvest Lords’ -- King Frederick I was facing open rebellion. The writing was on the wall for the Kingdom of Oren; Frederick I could not hope to wage a war without Acre and the rest of the Harvest Lords. The King of Oren called upon High Pontiff Tylos III to facilitate a meeting one last time, and so it was that the leaders of the Sovereign States (excepting Sohaer Alaion Miravaris of Haelun’or) met with King Karl III, Grand King Bakir Ireheart, and Duke John I of the Eastern Treaty in the Duchy of Reinmar (which, despite being a Haeseni vassal, was Tylos III’s birthplace) on the 12th of the Sun’s Smile 1881. Bereft of bargaining power, King Frederick I had no choice but to formally cede the Haelun’orian island of Karinah’sol to the Kingdom of Haense and dissolve the Sovereign States alliance. Though the High Elves were unrepresented at the meeting (and obviously opposed the cessation of their homeland), King Karl III agreed to pay 5,000 minas to Sohaer Alaion Miravaris to fund the relocation of the High Elves off Karinah’siol. Just like that, the Successors’ War had ended. Yet, King Frederick I’s troubles were far from over. _________________________ “As of this document being penned and signed, all Acrean levymen are withdrawn from any major conflict pertaining to the war for Elvish lands. The conflict is not in the interest of our people, and thus it is fruitless to risk the lives of GOD-fearing men and women from the Barony. Any man who finds it in his heart to set off and fight on behalf of Oren and its foreign goals is free to do so; however, no strife may be brought back to the homefront.” Baron Gustaf de Vilain, The Withdrawal of Acre, c. 1881 _________________________ King Frederick I could not permit the insubordination of Acre and the Harvest Lords, lest he forfeit any semblance of authority he held over his nobles. The Harvest Revolution was sparked when the King of Oren issued a decree to strip Acre of its rights and title, requisition its land, and place a bounty on the heads of Baron Gustaf de Vilain and his father, Hannes de Vilain. When Acre rebuked the decree and began to raise its militia, the escalation was too much for Frederick I, who was said to have suffered a heart attack in Vienne. The King survived under the care of his wife - Queen Vivienne of Savoy - but it was clear he would be incapacitated for some time. With the crisis with Acre ongoing, Elric Castille - the captain of King Frederick I’s royal guard - was named as Regent and ‘Lord Protector’ of Oren. Lord Protector Elric Castille was a competent and level-headed militant, one whom Frederick I’s court was confident could sensibly navigate the standoff with Acre, even despite his apparent lack of political experience (in the same decree that appointed the Lord Protector, Archchancellor Conrad de Falstaff mysteriously resigned). Lord Protector Elric began by summoning Baron Gustaf de Vilain to Vienne under a truce in the hopes of resolving the rebellion diplomatically, but the Baron of Acre did not attend. In the aftermath of the failed diplomacy, the Harvest Lords’ militias clashed with Orenian troops in outposts along the Grenz, all of which were relatively minor, but ceased after the Lord Protector withdrew soldiers in the area to Fort Tioess, where he began assembling an army to subjugate the rebellion. With the Successors’ War over a mere few weeks, however, the Orenian central army was undermanned, disordered, and demoralised; as a result, Lord Protector Elric called on the loyalist noble Houses to raise their levies. As the year 1882 began, the Harvest Lords struck at some of the key vassals that had pledged support to the Lord Protector’s mandate. On the 11th of Owyn’s Light 1882, Hannes de Vilain led the Acre militia against the Margravate of Grodno, swiftly overwhelmed the garrison, and captured Margrave Maciej Jazloviecki, who agrees to withdraw from any conflict against Acre in exchange for his safe release. Other nobles worth reckoning, namely the Viscounty of Minitz and the County of Temesch, soon declared their cessation too. Confident in the strength of his militia, the righteousness of his cause, and the evident decay of Oren, Baron Gustaf de Vilain decided to turn his rebellion into a revolution. No longer was Acre’s goal to merely withstand the Orenian army. Now, they endeavoured to tear down the Orenian throne entirely. _________________________ “In observing the graveness of this treason, Hannes and Gustaf de Vilain shall be henceforth declared an enemy of the state, their right to hold Our peerage defunct, and inherited by their legal successor, to be held in regency by the Lord Protector. The Crown reaffirms that this gripe is not held with the people of Acre, but the treasonous terrorists, that of Hannes and Gustaf who have sacrificed their loyalty to their motherland for selfish greed. Their honour, replaced with the gluttonous hunger for power. The Crown’s government offers those who wish to escape their terror clemency and refuge, but those who aid them will be guaranteed death.” Lord Protector Elric Castille, The Resolution of Acre, 1881 _________________________ As Acre bolstered its militia in anticipation of marching on Vienne itself, its leaders continued to target Lord Protector Elric’s supporters. On the 9th of Godfrey’s Triumph 1882, Baron Gustaf travelled to the Viscounty of Rivia, the largest remaining vassal who stood with Lord Protector Elric, in the hopes of convincing Viscount Charles Galbraith to declare neutrality. Not only were the Baron’s efforts in vain, but it is recorded that the Viscount tried to kill Gustaf de Vilain within his keep with a potion of Alchemist’s Fire. Baron Gustaf survived the explosion relatively unscathed, and, when Viscount Charles called for his armsmen, none came -- they had already been dispatched by the Baron’s retinue, led by Darius Romstun, who proceeded to kill the Viscount himself. Rivia was sacked, and the surviving Galbraith armsmen either scattered to the wind or fled to Vienne. When Baron Gustaf returned to Acre, he summoned his council. Upon assessment, the culling of Rivia and Grodno (unbeknownst to them at the time, Margrave Maciej had broken his word and marched with his armsmen to Vienne to join Lord Protector Elric) left the Lord Protector with precious few forces. As the Acremen debated whether they ought to begin their march to Vienne, a surprising report reached them from the capital: King Frederick I appeared to have recovered from his heart attack, and he had called for a sitting of the royal court later that month. While Elric Castille was a study commander, he lacked the charisma - and, more importantly, the legitimacy - of the King; if the people of Oren saw Frederick I stand strong again, they might be convinced there was a hopeful future yet for Oren. With that in mind, Baron Gustaf realised he had to strike as soon as possible before Frederick I could remoralise and remobilise his subjects. On the 31st of the Sun’s Smile 1882, the Acre militia of 4,500 began their march south to Vienne. Even in such dire straits, the Orenian capital was not defenceless. What remained of the royal army had marshalled there under Elric Castille (who was still Lord Protector, given Frederick I was still not back to full health), together with Vienne’s own garrison and a patchwork of noble Houses that remained loyal to the crown. Acre planned to strike at the sitting of the royal court Frederick I was to convene. Initially, that might appear to be a foolish decision; all of Frederick I’s remaining supporters would be gathered in one place, together with most of their military strength. The logic of Baron Gustaf was, however, much the same as King Frederick I’s had been in the lead-up to his victory in the Brothers’ War at the Battle of New Providence -- if he could defeat all his foes in one spot at the same time, then the Revolution could be ended quickly and decisively. And so, they marched, and Oren waited. Their fate was to be decided at the royal court of the 8th of Harren’s Folley 1882. _________________________ “Old chum, It’s been a while since I’ve seen you. Listen; I’ll be in the neighbourhood with a few of the lads for the royal court, and I’m thinking of popping in to see you. With all this talk of rebellion, I wouldn’t want to be held up at the gatehouse when we arrive. You might be a dear and arrange for a set of keys for me and the pals. See you on the 10th.” A letter obtained from the belongings of Sgt. Dennard Reath of the Orenian Legion, signed by ‘O’ (believed to be Bailiff Otto of Acre), c. 1882 _________________________ The Acre militia reached the outskirts of Vienne on the 5th of Harren’s Folley 1882. On their march, their 4,500 militiamen had swelled to 6,400. They camped in the woods north of the capital, awaiting the royal court in two day’s time. It was unclear whether Lord Protector Elric Castille or King Frederick I knew the revolutionaries lurked just beyond the city -- they surely suspected, but whether they knew Gustaf de Vilain had the gall to strike at the royal court itself was unclear. In any case, every soldier that could be relied on in Oren was now in Vienne, totalling at around 5,200. Finally, the 8th of Harren’s Folley came -- the day of the royal court, and the day of the Battle of Vienne. After King Frederick I ascended to the dais with a walking cane and the aid of Queen Vivienne, the court applauded when he sat on his throne. That would be their only cause for joy that day. Within twenty-minutes of the court commencing, the watchtowers on Vienne’s northern and eastern walls lit their distress signal-fires as they spotted the column of Acremen marching towards the city. Ten minutes later, the city alarm bells tolled, and the townsfolk rushed to take shelter in their cellars. Initially, Lord Protector Elric Castille (who had evidently drafted some provisional plans in the event of an attack) prepared to hold the city gates and drive off the revolutionaries with volleys of arrows and burning pitch from the walls, but the Acremen were one step ahead of him. A spy in the service of Bailiff Otto of Acre had provided him with keys to the Vienne gatehouse, and so he simply walked in, killed the gatekeepers, and opened the portcullis for Baron Gustaf and his forces. Lord Protector Elric was forced to withdraw all Orenian forces to the royal palace, which was far less suited for a protracted defence than the gatehouse. He was also pressed for time; the Acremen did not, as he initially hoped, waste time sacking any houses and instead stormed directly towards the palace, where the royal court remained in panicked session. The Lord Protector focused his defence on the front of the palace and rained arrows down on the Acremen, who swept around to the palace’s rear and infiltrated the great hall by propping lightweight siege ladders through a window. Right before the Acreman swarmed the great hall, courtiers and noblewomen armed themselves with candlesticks and dinner plates. The Battle of Vienne was over quickly; the Orenians formed dense ranks within the great hall under the Lord Protector, and King Frederick I watched from atop his throne as the Acremen slowly whittled the Orenian lines down. Elric Castille’s defence did, at least, buy enough time for many of the courtiers to flee, but not King Frederick I. There are three conflicting versions of the tale of how King Frederick I died. The first, favoured by the Acremen, is that the King remained on his throne until Elric Castille’s lines finally broke at sunset, and he was slain by a mob of militiamen. The second, favoured by the Orenians, is that King Frederick I did flee the great hall, but only to ascend to his personal quarters in the upper palace, ingest a lethal dose of ponderlot, and die with Queen Vivienne in his arms. The third is that a malignant sorcerer to whom Frederick I had pledged his soul in exchange for victory in the Brothers’ War came to collect his debt and turned the King into a wheel of blue cheese right before the Orenian formations broke. Whatever the tale, the outcome was the same. Frederick I, King of Oren, died on the 8th of Harren’s Folley 1882. After the Harvest Revolution, Vienne was gradually torn down and its stone used for construction by Harvest Lords. By 1920, all that remained was a church. King Frederick I was dead. The Battle of Vienne was lost. The Orenian capital was sacked. Elric Castille survived the Battle, and fled from the capital shortly before smokestacks appeared above the city. He regrouped with a smattering of survivors in the Ebonwood - to the west of Vienne - and retreated to Grodno with a few hundred Orenian courtiers and soldiers. He arrived at Grodno to find that Margrave Maciej had also survived Acre’s attack, and took shelter inside. With King Frederick I dead - and the fate of his young son Prince Frederick the Younger unknown - Elric Castille was now the sole leader in Oren yet living. While Acre had decisively won at Vienne, they did incur casualties -- chief among them was their own leader, Baron Gustaf de Vilain. It is said that the Baron was grazed by an Orenian spear during the fighting, but infection beset him the next day. With Vienne in chaos, there was no doctor to be found nearby, and so Gustaf de Vilain died of his wounds sometime in the week following the Battle of Vienne. Hannes de Vilain buried his son back at his fields in Acre, and stoically assumed the title of Baron of Acre himself. Though the Kingdom of Oren had been irreparably broken, it still drew breath in the form of Elric Castille. In memory of his son, Baron Hannes vowed to see the Harvest Revolution through and ensure that Oren was dismantled. No Orenian lord nor general had the strength to oppose Acre anymore, and so people prayed that the cavalry of Hannes de Vilain simply passed them by as he fanned throughout Oren, searching for any trace of Elric Castille. It was not until the new year of 1883 that the two had their final confrontation. In Arentania, western Oren, Elric Castille was attempting to rebuild a force of loyalists (an ironic term, in the context of King Frederick I’s Oren) to strike back at Acre, but his numbers remained meagre. After another of Bailiff Otto’s spies had reported a sighting of Elric Castille, Hannes de Vilain rode at the head of a warband towards Arentania. He soon tracked the Lord Protector to Grodno Castle and encircled it. When Baron Hannes promised safety to those inside if Elric Castille surrendered, the Lord Protector acquiesced, and was taken back to Acre as a captive. _________________________ “As it stands, the Crown, its government, and Kingdom is hereby dissolved. In its place, Acre shall take control of the Kingdom’s lands, treasury demesne, and all that entails, to form the Harvest Confederacy; a league of independent states made up of the Harvest Lords.” Hannes de Vilain, The Kingdom of Oren is Destroyed, c. 1884 _________________________ The negotiations at Acre were short. Elric Castille had nothing to barter with. Though he had distinguished himself with exemplary resilience in the face of the Harvest Revolution’s prowess, he had lost his King, his capital, and nearly any possible soldier he could muster. Now, the only thing he had left to lose was his Kingdom -- in the circumstances, though, the Kingdom of Oren was already largely dead. On the 13th of Tobias’ Bounty 1883, in Acre, the Kingdom of Oren was formally dissolved by Lord Protector Elric Castille. Unlike when King Frederick I had won the Brother’s War, this was no mere rechristening or a change of name: the polity that was Oren was simply undone -- it’s titles were stricken, and its name buried. The land and people of Oren, however, remained. Acre harboured no political ambitions, and desired nothing more than to live as peaceful farmers, unfettered by the demands of any overlords. And yet, someone needed to provide leadership for those Orenian lands and people, lest the heartlands be overrun with brigands and monsters -- or worse, another nation. Therefore, Hannes de Vilain did not establish a new kingdom, but a union: the ‘Harvest Confederacy’, consisting of Oren’s main surviving vassals, namely Acre, Minitz, Petra, Corwinsberg, and, though it had not been a vassal, House Alstion. For their transgressions in the Harvest Revolution, Grodno and Rivia were exiled; their lords were forced to abandon their castles, and leave the heartlands. The dissolution of Oren was no doubt a surreal moment for Humanity. Even if Oren no longer lay claim to the status of an Empire (and, as I posit, had ceased being a true Empire following the Edict of Separation in 1786), it had still been viewed as the world’s foremost and strongest power, around which the affairs of all other lands and nations revolved, until its strength was well and truly broken by the Eastern Treaty at the Battle of Acre. Some mourned the death of Oren. Most cheered it. _________________________ “The reign of Frederick I is a great enigma. Having risen to the throne on the back of the popular will of the people and nobility of Oren, much of the king’s reign was well-regarded and without significant issue. One would think that this popularity, and the ability he demonstrated in his initial days, would allow him to overcome his significant first failures. Both Peter III and Philip III had fared far worse during the outset of their respective reigns, but both were able to effectively rebound from initial disasters. King Frederick I had no such success, in large part due to his lack of either a strong central support base or a more diversified web of factions that he could play off of one another.” Justinian Nafis & Adolphus Gloriana, The Decline & Fall of the Holy Orenian Empire, Volume XI: The Plight of the Novellens _________________________ More than anything else, the end of Oren represented a great and gaping unknown for all Descendantkind, the likes of which had never been seen before. In the former Orenian lands, the Harvest Confederacy was a new type of Human government, one which was vastly decentralised and with zero interest in international affairs and military prestige. How the Confederacy would fare, especially when the outside world intruded on its rural utopia, was a looming question that would be answered in the years to come. In the south, Duke John I of Balian muttered a silent prayer for his nephew, Emperor Peter IV. His supporters - the people of Balian - had finally avenged their mortal defeat at the hands of King Frederick I in the Brothers’ War, but it had come at the cost of their own homeland, one that they had hoped to restore one day. For a time, rumours circulated that Balian would end their refuge in the south and attempt to inhabit their old homes in former Oren, but those plans never materialised. Either Duke John I was convinced by his allies of the danger of invoking the Orenian identity, or he never intended to do so in the first place. His people had a new home in the south now, and it was still young. The rest of his life would be spent nurturing Balian from a wayward Duchy into a Kingdom in its own right. Grand King Bakir Ireheart had gotten the fight he had so desperately craved since the end of the Sinners’ War in 1868. He prided himself on having felled yet another Orenian monarch, and returned to Kal’Darakaan contented. With Oren now truly gone, however, there was no real foe left for Bakir Ireheart on Almaris anymore -- he was allied with Haense and Balian, who would not allow him to instigate a war with the Elves of Malinor nor the Harvest Confederacy. For now, Grand King Bakir stomached his boredom, but it would eventually lead to his abdication as Grand King in 1901. The most unfortunate victims of the Successors’ War, and the events that followed, were undoubtedly the High Elves of Haelun’or. Fearing Malinorian invasion, they had subjugated themselves as a protectorate to Krugmar, only to be bartered around like a cut of meat. They had welcomed King Frederick I’s patronage when he acquired their island in the Peace of Vienne, and then decried him when he ceded that same island to the Kingdom of Haense. Now, they were driven from their homeland by the Haeseni, and followed Sohaer Alaion Miravaris into exile across the continent. Yet, none of these sovereigns were the ultimate victor of these four years of turmoil. That title, of course, went to King Karl III of Haense. _________________________ “In one sense, it is a tragedy. Through the Peace of Vienne, King Frederick I had largely set the continents to rights: he had ended the war in the Elysium between the Orcs of Krugmar and the Elves of Malinor, and he had offered the High Elves of Haelun’or a guarantee of safety that did not compromise their culture nor their land. Had King Karl III and Grand King Bakir dispensed with their ambition, then Almaris may have known peace a while longer, and the King of Oren may never have faced that fatal dissent from his vassals when war went awry.” Excerpt from The Last Orenian, a N.G.S. study on the fall of the Kingdom of Oren, c. 1908 _________________________ King Karl III’s ambition had been to overshadow King Frederick I and become the new hegemon of Humanity, and he had achieved exactly that. Karinah’siol was his, and not only was King Frederick I dead, but his Kingdom died with him. Haense retained its close relationship with the Dwarves of Urguan, even in spite of the difficulties Grand King Bakir had caused at the start of the Successors’ War, and now it had a new friend in the Duchy of Balian. King Karl III had also ingratiated himself with the Acremen; not only had the late Baron Gustaf and Hannes de Vilain been treated well in their captivity in Haense, but it is a near certainty that Karl III had encouraged the Harvest Revolution. After he attended Acre to sign the dissolution of Oren, Elric Castille claimed he had seen a workshop of blacksmiths speaking fluent New Marian. The de facto head of Humanity was now, for the first time in history, the Kingdom of Haense. King Karl III would continue to propagate what we can today call the Haeseni ‘anti-Empire’; throughout the rest of his reign, he would use his considerable political capital and military force to sponsor the disunity of the rest of Humanity, while expanding the power and influence of Haense. Though a force of disunity in Humanity, the Kingdom of Haense would go on to fulfill the same historical role as Oren had: it was loved, and feared; it was admired, and hated; but, most of all, it was indomitable, and its influence was felt in every major event in Humanity over the coming decades. The world was the oyster of the Kingdom of Haense. It was just a question of what it would do with it. This concludes Interregnum: Volume IV. Volume V shall record the events of the ‘Adrian Interlude’, spanning the period in which the Great Interregnum saw the rebirth of the ancient Kingdom of Aaun, and Humanity’s next feud over the Duchy of Adria.

Previous Volumes Volume I: The Novellen Twilight Volume II: The Sinners’ War ____________________________ ____________________________ This is Interregnum: Volume III. Volume I explored the decline of the Holy Orenian Empire and the breakdown of Human unity, stemming from the Edict of Separation in 1786 A.H. when the Empire released its only remaining vassal-nation - the Kingdom of Haense - and ended its hegemony of mankind. While Oren slowly withered in the decades that followed, two scions of the Novellen Dynasty - Philip Aurelian and Anastasya of Kositz - were not contented to let Oren crumble, and so they seized the imperial throne in the Aster Revolution, stoking Oren’s dying embers into a blaze of potential. Volume II then chronicled Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I’s fateful struggle with King Sigismund III of Haense and Grand Kings Ulfric Frostbeard & Bakir Ireheart of the Dwarves, who sought to smother that fire for reasons ranging from fear of conquest to a desire to establish their own world order. When the nineteen year-long Sinners’ War ended with Oren’s defeat in 1868, Humanity was left with the frailty of an eggshell. Volume III shall regale the events that followed when that eggshell inevitably shattered, and the depravity and chaos the Great Interregnum reigned supreme. For while the Tribes of Horen may have shed the blood of one another in the Sinners’ War, they would turn on themselves in the years that followed -- in the Brothers’ War. The gates of New Providence, c. 1868 The year was 1868. For nineteen years, the Holy Orenian Empire had been at war with the coalition of the Tripartite Accord, composed of the Kingdom of Haense, the Dwarves of Urguan, and the Kingdom of Norland. Three great campaigns had been fought: Oren’s newfound strength, stoked by Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I’s rise to power in the Aster Revolution, had been doused by their crushing defeat at the Battle of Southbridge, only to flare tenfold after they triumphed in the Battle of Haverlock, before finally surrendering after the disastrous Battle of Eastfleet in 1866. Naturally, the effects of nearly two decades of war were profound. Across the Orenian heartlands, the lack of farm labourers (scores of whom had been enlisted and killed in the War) left harvests to rot, and many nobles and landowners teetered on the edge of bankruptcy from the cost of raising and armies their levies. Above all, every facet of Oren was weary from war -- that had been the case even before Emperor Philip III declared the Eastfleet offensive in 1865. Despite that, Oren enjoyed a period of unexpected prosperity from 1866 to 1868. The Sinners’ War might have ended in Orenian defeat - definitely quashing Philip III and Anastasia I’s ambition to re-establish the Empire as a true hegemon - but even that result was met with relief rather than outrage. After all, the terms of the Peace of Eastfleet were, for the most part, lenient; while Oren had conceded large swathes of territory, most of it was inconsequential (excepting the Upper Grenz, which was ceded to the Kingdom of Haense), and while the casualties of the war left rural Oren decimated, urban centres - namely the capital of New Providence and the Barony of Arichsdorf (in the Grenz) - thrived in the wartime economy. All told, the people of Oren still looked to Philip III and Anastasia I with an undeniable - if somewhat tarnished - awe. To many, Oren was still in a far better position than it had been before the Aster Revolution, and the ideals of that Revolution - of rebirthing an old and decayed Oren into a revitalised and ambitious new one - remained a guiding philosophy. After all, in the course of the Sinners’ War, the once-fading Empire had proven itself capable of fielding an army of over 10,000, a feat no other nation could replicate (though the Kingdom of Haense was close), and, more importantly, Philip III and Anastasia I held their roles as unifiers who could keep order amongst the squabbling families, guilds, and factions of Oren. Under their hand, Oren seemed poised to endure. Alas, Philip III and Anastasia I were not long for the world. ____________________________ “It is a rare thing: hope in the wake of defeat. I was there when the Haensefolk marched into Cathalon, and I was on the curtain walls of Providence when the Aster Revolution came a-marching. In those days, I knew defeat. Now, as an old fart, I know it again. But it is different. There was, and is, a sense of hope I have never felt before since Eastfleet. There is still a future; even in defeat, we’re moving towards it.” Excerpt from an interview with I.S.A. veteran Casfer Vreyne, New Providence Post, c. 1868 ____________________________ On the 5th day of Owyn’s Flame of 1868, Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I died. To this day, the circumstances of their death remain a great mystery. There are many theories as to how they met their ends, both tame and wild. The most reasonable story, and that preferred by prominent imperial scholars such as the Lords Susa, is that Philip III simply succumbed to the wounds he had sustained in Dwarven captivity after the New Providence Tea Party, and the bereaved Anastasia I either took or own life or died of her grief. A more colourful (but unsubstantiated story) is that the Emperor, Empress, and a number of their retainers - most notably Baron Manfred von Arichsdorf, their most powerful vassal who also died on that the same day - sailed into the bay of New Providence at night to observe migrating jellyfish, only to drown after their ship grazed a sandbank. I, however, am inclined towards a more sinister reality. It may be a sound belief that Philip III perished of his injuries, but the same cannot be said for Anastasia I’s passing, nor Manfred of Arichsdorf. It is at this juncture that we ought to consider the politics at play within the Orenian court (the Aster Court), not only to understand the possible culprits behind the death of the Emperor and Empress, but also as essential context for the events that followed. While Philip III and Anastasia I enjoyed popularity amongst the Orenian commonfolk even after the Battle of Eastfleet, the same could not be said of Oren’s upper echelons. Within the Aster Court, deep divisions had long-since formed, but it was only after the Battle of Eastfleet that Philip III and Anastasia I’s influence diminished to the extent that these divisions gave way to feuding factions, of which there were three of note. The first was, of course, the Emperor and Empress’ own circle of loyalists, most importantly Manfred von Arichsdorf and Willem van Aert, and the Imperial Legion, which was under Philip III’s direct command (after he had dismissed General Anastasios Basrid after the Battle of Eastfleet). With the end of the Sinners’ War, their priority was consolidation and completing their government and social reforms that had begun with the Aster Revolution, nearly twenty years ago. The other factions within the Aster Court were those of the Emperor’s own sons: the heir to the Orenian throne, Prince Peter Augustus Novellen, and the younger Prince Frederick Charles Novellen. Though of the same blood, they were far from a shared mind -- Prince Peter was described as a patient and learned statesman, more aligned with the traditional philosophies of the Novellen Emperors of old, whereas Prince Frederick was charismatic, hot-blooded, and deeply ambitious. However, for all their differences, the princely brothers did have one thing in common besides their blood. They were both discontent with their parents’ rule of Oren. ____________________________ “Our goodwill has been spent enough in satisfaction of Gaspard van Aert and the men of Blackvale. Your lord father was a good man, and once, he was a good ruler. Alas, he made it abundantly clear at Eastfleet that he is content to cater to the whims of his hounds to the detriment of his people. How many were sent to die at Eastfleet, just to conquer a patch of land for the van Aert? And we did not even conquer it! Your father is a hero, but his time has clearly passed. I urge you, my friend, to compel him to vacate his throne to you. It is your time now.” A letter signed only with ‘Lord G.’; it is unknown whether it was addressed to Prince Peter or Prince Frederick, c. 1868 ____________________________ It is difficult to measure the extent to which Prince Peter and Prince Frederick diverged from their parents, or when that divergence began. All that we can say is that the defeat at Eastfleet had stripped the Aster Court of its veneer of order. In the Battle of Eastfleet itself, both brothers had failed to answer their father’s call for reinforcements in his attack on King Sigismund III of Haense, an act with the Lords Susa (in Volume X of ‘The Decline and Fall of the Holy Orenian Empire’) attribute to either the brothers hoping their father would be slain in the charge (which very nearly came to pass), or that instead of fighting the Tripartite Accord, they were attacking one another (the motives for which will soon be made clear). Though there is no indication that Philip III ever acted on this failure, relations remained turbulent after Eastfleet; when Philip III was reorganising the defence of southern Oren, Prince Frederick had to be threatened with imprisonment in order to mobilise his retainers. The defeat at Eastfleet lent credence to many lords and courtiers whose loyalty in the Emperor and Empress wavered (many of whom remain soured by incidents such as the Michaelite Schism, the perpetuation of the Sinners’ War in the first place, and the fact that Philip III and Anastasia I were still excommunicated from the Canonist Church), and they in turn flocked to one of the two brothers. With this in mind, we return to the deaths of Philip III and Anastasia I (and Manfred von Arichsdorf) on the 5th of Owyn’s Flame 1868. For reasons that will soon be apparent, there was no real investigation into their deaths, and any foul play was easily concealed in the unbridled chaos that followed. Since that fateful day, however, records (in the form of interviews arranged by Anastasios Basrid some months after the Brothers’ War) recovered from the collection of Queen Amadea Basrid of Haense indicate that Philip III, Anastasia I, and Manfred von Arichsdorf had convened in the Aster Palace to draft plans to fortify Oren’s northern border against possible Haeseni incursions. Just two servants - an elderly man with a noted history of hallucinating, and a young woman - testified that they saw a red-cloaked stranger darting through the palace halls. Neither reported the sighting, prompting some to believe that the story is fabricated. Later that evening, the mourning bells tolled. That red cloak was later found abandoned in a rented room in the Happy Helene Tavern. The only record of the assassin, who had vanished, is that he rented the room under the name ‘Alecz’. ____________________________ “Sgt. Bruddick: Do you recall his likeness? Ms. Semaria: Well, he had a crop of reddish hair, and had a face suited to grimacing. You know, all frowny-like. Sgr. Bruddick: And you said his given name was ‘Alecz’? Ms. Semaria: So he said, sir. Sgt. Bruddick: Alecz of where? Did you ask him for his family name? Ms. Semaria: I - I did, aye. Sgt. Bruddick: Well, damnit then, woman; what did he say? Ms. Semaria: He only said, ‘it doesn’t matter’.” Excerpt from an interview with Adelaine Semaria, proprietress of the Happy Helane Tavern, c. 1868 ____________________________ While the nature of the Emperor and Empress’ deaths are an enigma, the impact of those deaths certainly is not. Abruptly stripped of its foundations, Oren virtually collapsed in the aftermath, and, in that chaos, Prince Frederick Charles played his hand. While the Aster Court gathered in mourning, Prince Frederick abruptly produced what he claimed to be the Last Will & Testament of his parents. This was suspicious to a very great extent. For one, it is rather unconvincing that Philip III and Anastasia I had prepared a joint will; Philip III’s passing may have been foreseeable, but certainly not Anastasia I’s. It must be recalled that Anastasia I was Empress-Regnant, and not Empress-Consort, meaning it had been intended for her to continue to reign as absolute sovereign if Philip III predeceased her. It is similarly incredulous that Prince Frederick, of all people, would be the guardian of the Will. The chief reason this Will is so controversial, however, is because of its contents. Within the Will - a copy of which has, most strangely, never been recorded - was a post-mortem decree of Philip III and Anastasia I that Prince Frederick was to supersede his older brother, Prince Peter, to the Orenian throne, but not as Emperor. No; instead, the Will decreed that the Holy Orenian Empire was to be dissolved. In its place, the ‘Kingdom of Oren’ would be left to reign over most Orenian territories, with the exception of Arichsdorf and the surrounding Lower Grenz region, which was to become the new and entirely independent ‘Crown of Westfall’. Prince Frederick was to become ‘King of Oren’, while Willem van Aert was to wed Laurentina von Arichsdorf (widow of the late Manfred von Arichsdorf) and rule this new ‘Westfall’. The entire world watched events unfold in Oren with disbelief , including most people in Oren. The sheer audacity of this proclamation serves to paint Prince Frederick as the most likely culprit behind his parents’ deaths (if one is partial to the belief that they were assassinated), but there was no time to investigate. If nothing else, Prince Frederick was quick to act, and he seemed to accept for the outset that he was not going to silence dissenters (of which there were many) with mere words and assertions. Indeed, Prince Peter - the legitimate heir to Oren - was blindsided by his brother’s maneuver, and he made it clear he was not content to let Prince Frederick ride roughshod over him. He condemned the Will as fabricated, and asserted his own claim to the throne; there would be no ‘Westfall’, and no ‘Kingdom of Oren’ -- the Empire would persist, with him as Emperor. Before Prince Peter could even find his footing, however, Prince Frederick resolved to strike. On the 10th of Owyn’s Flame 1868, the Brothers’ War began. The ‘White Horseman’ of Providence, a memorial to the fallen of the Sinners’ War, c. 1867 Less than five days after the deaths of Emperor Philip III and Anastasia I, a civil war had sparked in Oren. To Prince Frederick’s credit, civil war did not appear to be his aim. That is not to say he had non-violent intentions; rather, he hoped to resolve matters swiftly and decisively before a war could foment -- the result was the Storming of New Providence on the 10th of Owyn’s Flame 1868. In the aftermath of Prince Frederick’s presentation of his parents’ controversial Will, the Aster Court and the Orenian nobility (all of whom had assembled in New Providence for the funerals of Philip III and Anastasia I) were left scrambling over whether to support the traditionalist Prince Peter or the innovative Prince Frederick. The debate between the two forming factions seemed unlikely to conclude any time soon, and the nobility was hardly eager to resort to violence. The same could not be said for Prince Frederick. Either immediately before or after his parents’ death, Prince Frederick appeared to have sent orders to his personal estates at Mardon (about a half-day’s ride north of New Providence), at which point a squadron of his men-at-arms set out to the capital. They were modest in number, but Prince Frederick had a critical ally in Willem van Aert, who led the ferocious ‘Hounds of Blackvale’ in the Sinners’ War (though now they went by the ‘County of Blackvale’). The House van Aert famously held little love for neither Prince Peter nor Prince Frederick, and - together with the people of Arichsdorf, who saw a bleak future for Oren without Philip III and Anastasia I - they were eager to separate from Oren and form their new ‘Crown of Westfall’ in the Lower Grenz. While the House van Aert did not like Prince Frederick, they had little choice but to support him -- after all, Prince Peter opposed the Will which incepted Westfall. If Prince Peter ascended to the throne and dismissed the Will, there would be no Westfall. And so, with New Providence in disarray, Willem van Aert and Prince Frederick had little difficulty marching their troops inside the city at dusk on the 10th of Owyn’s Flame, where they quickly took control of the gatehouses, Imperial Legion barracks, and the Aster Palace itself. The Storming of New Providence was not a violent affair, and there are no known deaths recorded from the incident. The city garrison and palace guard were as split as the nobility over who should actually ascend to the Orenian throne, and so, when the Blackvale and Mardon troops stormed their way inside, most of them simply watched. Those who had vocally opposed Prince Frederick and the Will were chased out of the city, and throughout all of that night, throngs of people hurried their way out of New Providence. Not all were supporters of Prince Peter; rather, most were commonfolk who simply feared open fighting in the city, though this never materialised. There was only one person Prince Frederick actually sought to kill in the Storming of New Providence. That person was, of course, Prince Peter -- who was nowhere to be found. ____________________________ “Midnight: nothing to report. 1 a.m.: nothing to report. 2 a.m.: nothing to report. 3 a.m.: 1,000 Blackvale armsmen entered the gate. 4 a.m.: nothing to report. 5 a.m.: smoke break. 6 a.m.: nothing to report.” New Providence back gate watchman’s logbook on the night of the 10th of Owyn’s Flame 1868. ____________________________ In his haste, Prince Frederick had either made Prince Peter suspicious, or he had been betrayed by someone in his own camp. Whatever the case, Prince Peter had fled New Providence on the morning of the 10th of Owyn’s Flame 1868, hours before Blackvale and Mardon troops stormed the capital. He reappeared the following day at Vuillermoz, seat of House Vuiller (though some sources place him at the Ruthern estates of Reutov), where he reasserted his claim to the Orenian throne and vowed to put an end to the dangerous ambitions of his younger brother. However, his flight from the capital had not been a coordinated effort; most of his supporters had been driven out the previous night by the Blackvale and Mardon men-at-arms. Those supporters might have scattered into the countryside, fearing persecution, were it not for a very valuable ally of Prince Peter -- his uncle, Prince John Casimir Novellen. Prince John was the younger brother of the late Philip III, who had been a quiet supporter of his brother throughout the Sinners’ War. Like many of Philip III’s allies, though, Prince John did not see the same potential to rule in Prince Frederick. When Prince Peter’s supporters were driven out of the city, it was Prince John who rallied them together, and regrouped them at Fort Tioess - a keep not far to the north of New Providence, and right on the doorstep of Prince Frederick’s personal estate of Mardon. Fort Tioess was recounted as a fairly formiddable bulwark, meant to deter raiders from getting close to New Providence, and so Prince John’s occupation with many of his nephew’s supporters cast a looming shadow over Prince Frederick (his other nephew) in the capital. It is unknown whether the Imperial Legionnaires garrisoning Fort Tioess were allies of Prince John, or whether they simply surrendered the keep. With most of his supporters intact under Prince John in Fort Tioess, and Prince Peter himself alive with his immediate retainers (namely Henry Penton, who had served as Philip III’s treasurer and had brokered the terms of the Peace of Eastfleet) alive in Vuillermoz, it was clear they stood a fighting chance against Prince Frederick’s attempted takeover of Oren. The evening after the Storming of New Providence, Prince Peter travelled to New Providence (where many of his supporters garrisoned in Fort Tioess joined him), where he formally proclaimed himself as Holy Orenian Emperor Peter IV. At his ‘coronation’ (there was no official crowning), the noble Houses of d’Azor, d’Arkent, Huntshill, Vuiller, and Darkwood swore fealty to him, forming the ‘Loyalist’ faction (for they were ‘loyal’ to Oren’s imperial identity). Meanwhile in New Providence, Prince Frederick had not been idle. Immediately after the Storming of New Providence (when he became aware that his brother was missing, though he was yet unaware of where he had sequestered himself), Prince Frederick officially declared himself as King Frederick I of Oren, as ordained by the contested Will of his parents. The Houses of Aldserberg, Galbraith, Komnenos, Halcourt, Sarkozic, Othaman, Rosius, and Pruvia are the first to pledge to King Frederick I, forming the ‘Royalist’ cause. While a slim majority of the nobility appeared aligned with King Frederick I, this is not wholly accurate - after news broke of Emperor Peter IV’s cause, the House of Sarkozic absconded from New Providence to join the Loyalist movement instead, and nobles from the Houses of Rosius, Othaman, and Galbraith fought on both sides. Not only was Oren on the precipice of civil war, but even individual families were split and sundered. Such is the depravity that comes with times of interregnum. ____________________________ It ought to be noted that as the noble Houses split one way or another, or both, there were some Houses who declared neutrality altogether. These neutral Houses were mainly that of Munnel, who were newly enfeoffed, and the Elves of Ephesius under Lord Minuvas, who had served Philip III and Anastasia I as Archchancellor during the Sinners’ War. While the Houses of Basrid, O’Rourke, and Keen did not remain neutral, they did not join until after the Raid on New Vuillermoz the following month. Author’s note. ____________________________ Despite the split nobility, King Frederick I possessed two distinct advantages. The first was the support of the would-be constituents of the Crown of Westfall - the militia of Arichsdorf (with was larger than any noble retinue), and the elite warriors of House van Aert, the latter of which had already aided King Frederick I in the Storming of New Providence. The second ace of King Frederick I was his personal, and unlikely, friendship with Lucien de Savoie. This was a peculiar friendship; Lucien de Savoie had recently ruled as Prince of Savoy, and joined the Tripartite Accord to fight against Philip III (and therefore Frederick I) at the Battle of Eastfleet. After the end of the Sinners’ War, Lucien de Savoie had abdicated his role as Prince and served as a Marian Knight of King Sigismund III of Haense, before later taking leave to serve in King Frederick I’s court at the outbreak of the Sinners’ War. While the circumstances of how the two became close friends is unknown, Lucien de Savoie was a highly-skilled field commander, and made for a powerful ally for Frederick I. A difficulty facing both Loyalists and Royalists, however, was assembling the levies of the Houses that supported them. Their estates were scattered all over Oren, and it would take time to gather them in one place, a prospect that was hampered by outbreaks of minor skirmishes across the countryside as militias clashed with one another as they travelled to either New Providence, Reutov, or Fort Tiosse. Neither Loyalist or Royalist could form a proper army until the Houses had gathered their levies, but this state of affairs presented a detriment for Peter IV - whose amassing forces were split between Reutov, Fort Tioess, and also New Vuillermoz - and an opportunity for Frederick I, who had a deadly raiding force at his disposal in the form of the van Aert armsmen and his own from the Storming of New Providence. On the evening of the 23rd of Owny’s Flame, this strikeforce departed from New Providence and made for New Vuillermoz. They numbered somewhere in the region of 1,500 to 2,500, and were led by Andrezj Barrow, a hot-headed bastard of House Ruthern who had become a favoured retainer of Frederick I. They chose New Vuillermoz as their target based on reports that Peter IV had visited the estate to help rally the House Vuiller levies, though this proved to be false - Peter IV remained at Reutov. They were not deprived of a worthwhile prize, however -- in the ensuing Raid at Vuillermoz (some scribes term it a battle; a gross overstatement), the Royalists defeated the surprised Loyalist forces and captured Duke Ivan var Ruthern, a prominent Loyalist leader and - by some twist of fate - the father of Andrezj Barrow. Fatherly bonds did little to help Duke Ivan, who was brought back to New Providence, and promptly executed by his own son (on King Frederick I’s orders). This decisive victory not only demoralised the Loyalists, who had not expected Frederick I to move so quickly, but it even swayed some of the neutral Houses - namely the Houses of O’Rourke, Keen, and Basrid - to swear to Frederick I. The first month of the Brothers’ War ended in the same way it had started. With Peter IV scrambling against Frederick I’s dominant position. ____________________________ “It is said that cooler heads prevail, but that mantra has yet to ring true in this wretched war. Since our rout from the capital, we have not been able to so much as find our footing. It is one thing after another; every time we try to mobilise, we find Royalist hounds baying at our heels. Their aggression is simply relentless. Yet, despite that, they have yet to sink their teeth into our quarters. With time, we might yet outlast them, and finally strike back at False Frederick.” Excerpt from personal correspondence between Count Erik Othaman at Reutov and Prince John Casimir at Fort Tiosse, c. 1869 ____________________________ The following month of Godfrey’s Triumph was a slower one, but saw no real change in either brother’s position. Minor clashes continued to flare across the countryside, primarily between marching militias. The only military escapade of note in Godfrey’s Triumph was when Royalist skirmishers under Princess Victoria Augusta (a knight, and sister to both Frederick I and Peter IV (who had obviously aligned with the former)) attempted to rush the Loyalist-held Fort Linnord while its gates were open to admit supply carts, though they were held off by the Loyalist garrison. While reasonably capable of defending his fortified holdings, Peter IV and his Loyalist faction failed to exhibit any offensive pressure against Frederick I and the Royalists; Loyalist leaders like Prince John Casimir and Count Erik Othaman were far more used to conventional warfare and coordinating large armies, and struggled to adapt to the blitzkrieg tactics of the Royalists. It was in recognition of those same tactics that led to King Frederick I enfeoffing Andrezj Barrow later that month as Baron Andrezj Ivanovich. As the spring dragged on and noble levies continued to assemble on both sides, Emperor Peter IV convened with his council (consisting of Prince John, Count Erik Othaman, Henry Penton, and Viktor Darkwood) in Reutov, and determined that they could not beat the Royalists with their current numbers. Even if they could triumph on the battlefield, they lacked the manpower to besiege New Providence and tear King Frederick I from his ill-gotten throne. Peter IV accepted that if he was to triumph, he would need help -- outside help. This was a considerable concession on Peter IV’s part, for it was an admission that he could not wrest control of Oren without outside help. Alas, he had little choice. There was only one person Peter IV could look to for help. Most of the non-human nations on the continent of Almaris had been stalwart enemies of Oren, not only in the Sinners’ War, but historically. None would entertain aiding him, and, besides, enlisting the aid of Dwarves or Elves would be a step too far. The same was true of the Kingdom of Norland -- Humans they may have been, but they were pagan adherents of the Red Faith, and bitter nemeses of Oren. The Principality of Savoy was a palatable choice, but unlikely to answer any call from Peter IV: Princess Renata of Savoy was the sister of Lucien de Savoie, King Frederick I’s close ally, and she was preoccupied pressing domestic affairs after her capital of San Luciano had been decimated by a naval bombard. And so, Peter IV turned to King Sigismund III of Haense. Ultimately, he would be disappointed. The Haeseni had spent nearly twenty years fighting Oren in the Sinners’ War, and King Sigismund III could see no reason to commit his armies to war once again less than a year after the Sinners’ War had ended, and this time to aid Oren. Peter IV and Henry Penton pointed to King Frederick I’s reckless ambition and evident desire to restore Oren’s imperial status (which inevitably meant the conquest of Haense), and while Sigismund III accepted King Frederick I was likely no friend to Haense, he remained unwilling to come to Oren’s aid in any capacity. He was, in essence, more than content to watch Oren tear itself asunder. This was a time of interregnum, after all; the bonds of Humanity were broken. As the Brothers’ War entered its final two months, Emperor Peter IV and the Loyalists were still without the edge they desperately needed to defeat King Frederick I and the Royalists. The Battle of New Providence was fought in the main plaza of the capital. The Kingdom of Haense may have declined to aid Emperor Peter IV, but he did not enter the latter phase of the Brothers’ War empty-handed. As summer bloomed with the month of Godfrey’s Triumph, Peter IV contracted a mercenary cadre who called themselves the ‘Hounds of Don’, who were largely of Haeseni descent (it is speculated that they may have been unofficially funded by the Kingdom of Haense). The Hounds of Don were not great in number, but they were experienced raiders from the Sinners’ War who offered the Loyalists a much-needed force of skirmishers. Count Erik Othaman also established the ‘Imperial Foreign Legion’ later that month, which recruited foreign volunteers to supplement the Loyalist forces, which enjoyed middling success. As the month Godfrey’s Triumph wound to a close, both Frederick I and Peter IV had finished assembling the levies and militias of their supporters across Oren. In New Providence, the Royalist forces numbered 9,500, while 6,500 Loyalist troops had gathered at Reutov. Even with their ranks bolstered by the Hounds of Don and the Foreign Legion, the Loyalists remained at a clear disadvantage. King Frederick I had not only marshalled more soldiers, but he had the expert commanders of Willem van Aert, Lucien de Savoie, and Anastasios Basrid. Peter IV resolved to play for time. With the counsel of Henry Penton, the Loyalists were well-resourced and well-managed. The cost levying troops - especially as winter neared - was exceptionally high, but the support of the older and larger Orenian Houses - such as d’Azor, d’Arkent, and Ruthern - Peter IV was far better poised to keep his army on standby for several more weeks. He even threw a lavish wedding feast that month when he married Lucia d’Azor, stoking Loyalist morale after a month of disappointment. King Frederick I, on the other hand, was bleeding money. While most of the warriors and militants of Philip III and Anastasia I’s regime had aligned with him, he had lost the majority of bureaucrats and administrators to his brother’s cause. Initially, this was only a trifling concern to Frederick I, but as the weeks passed, he faced exponential costs for the upkeep of his 9,500 Royalist troops. With Henry Penton in Peter IV’s camp, taxation in New Providence had severely declined, and Arichsdorf - the other major urban centre in Oren - was not paying tribute at all to New Providence since the inception of Westfall (which had yet to actually materialise in any respect; House van Aert remained aiding King Frederick I in New Providence). Like his brother, King Frederick I was a pariah to the rest of the continent, and so the prospects of borrowing money to fund his cause were slim Faced with bankruptcy, King Frederick I urgently needed to use his military advantage to bring the Brothers’ War to a conclusive end, while he could still afford to. ____________________________ “My King, It is with regret that I inform you my contacts in Haense have terminated their interest in investing. I suspect they may have been disparaged by King Sigismund’s lackeys. The Haensemen would see both us and your brother’s forces bankrupt. The guild of moneylenders in Haelun’or we spoke of remains open to financing us on an interim basis; however, they are hesitant as regards our security. I must again advise that we ought to guarantee any loan against the assets of the Loyalist lords, which will be confiscated as means of refunding our borrowings.” Excerpt from a report of Perrin of Aldersburg, Economist in the court of King Frederick I, c. 1869 ____________________________ From the Storming of New Providence to the Raid on New Vuillermoz, King Frederick I had never had a problem with acting quickly. Still, crushing the Loyalist resistance would take time. While Frederick I controlled New Providence, the Loyalists still held some important defensive positions at Fort Tiosse, Fort Linnord, and various noble keeps, most notably Reutov, where Peter IV was headquartered. Even if Frederick I marched immediately and defeated the Loyalists in battle, his efforts might amount to little if Peter IV retreated to any other stronghold. Most of all, King Frederick I was desperate to avoid a castle siege -- the cost of siege engineers and artillery might have simply been too much. As King Frederick I plotted his all-out assault in New Providence, Peter IV gained two more unlikely allies - the House of Alstion (the future Kings of Aaun), who had vanished from the public eye after they were unsuccessful in convincing King Sigismund III to sponsor them as claimants to the Orenian throne in the Sinners’ War, and the House of Romstun. The latter was an odd participant; the Romstuns were regarded as gentrified marauders who had originated as vassals of the Pertinaxi Emperors of Renatus. Peter IV was a bizarre choice for a faction like House Romstun to support; the most plausible explanation is that they were simply paid. Together, these two additions brought the Loyalist forces to 7,600. With two gains came one upset: Duke Joseph d’Azor was captured by Royalist raiders, and, in order to secure his release, declared that the House of d’Azor would remain neutral for the remainder of the conflict. While House d’Azor was one of the strongest Loyalist Houses, it is unclear whether this declaration was ever actually honoured. As the war entered its final weeks (unbeknownst to either faction), Peter IV began works to have Reutov fortified, which made it abundantly clear that he intended to wait out Frederick I until the Royalists became insolvent. When Frederick I was eventually forced to disband some of his armies to recover his finances, then Peter IV could strike at the capital. It was, by every metric, a good plan. But it was a plan that would be undone by carelessness and sheer misfortune. ____________________________ “The Hounds of Don rise from their slumber - out of their kennels and into the fray. They stand loyal to the righteous Empire of Oren, whom we fought alongside during the Norlandic-Orenian War. Our company swells in size to fight once more against the oppressor-tyrant who holds no true claim. Bound by oath and obligation, the Hounds ride to the bastion of Peter IV, defending his soil in vindictive defence. It is now that the dogs are released in support of the Emperor.” Declaration of Ratibor af Don, Captain of the Hounds of Don ____________________________ The month of the Sun’s Smile arrived. Unbeknownst to either side, it would be the final month of the Brothers’ War. In New Providence, King Frederick I was growing restless. The upkeep of his 9,500 Royalist army and the administration of the capital were burning a hole in his treasury. His aide (and future Archchancellor) Conrad de Falstaff had implemented a number of band-aid solutions to the city’s taxation scheme - which was left dysfunctional after Henry Penton’s departure - but it would be months before any gains were realised. All throughout the war, Frederick I had retained the upper-hand over Peter IV, but that would all be for naught if he did not end the civil war soon. And so, the Royalists mobilised. A vanguard force consisting of 2,000 troops under Anastasios Basrid and Willem van Aert was dispatched to secure the villages and outposts near Reutov, with the intention that the rest of the Royalist army under Lucien de Savoie and Frederick I himself - along with the reserves of Andrezj Ivanovich - would join them to begin the siege within a week. As they marched from New Providence, everyone - both Loyalist and Royalist alike - anticipated a gruelling siege at Reutov. But this is not what happened. In fact, King Frederick I’s main army would never even leave the capital. The Royalist vanguard set up a broad encirclement of Reutov, and, when Anastasios Basrid sent out scouts to survey Reutov’s new fortifications, he learned something of interest: there appeared to be a span of the castle-town’s new curtain wall that had poor visibility from the wall’s watchtowers (Reutov had only just finished its reconstruction, and so it appears the blind-spot had yet to be noticed even by the architects). When the full Royalist army came, there was no doubt that Peter IV would shelter inside Reutov’s main keep, but an idea struck Anastasios Basrid - what if a small force could storm the walls through this weak point? There was little to lose by trying. The Royalist vanguard waited for two days, until the morning of the 20th of the Sun’s Smile. The morning was grey and misty, and, moreover, that day was the Feast of St. Arianne; with Peter IV holding celebrations inside the castle-town, there would only be a skeleton garrison on Reutov’s outer walls. A squad under Willem van Aert crept up to Reutov in the early hours of the morning with a siege ladder, and swept over the walls like a wave. The surprised garrison was bowled over, and the Royalists swept inside the town. The Loyalists, who were mostly busy preparing for the Feast of St. Arianne, were paralysed in the pandemonium. There was no organised defence; only sporadic bursts of fighting in the streets of Reutov’s castle-town. It did not take long for Willem van Aert’s troops to take control of the gatehouse, and open it for a Royalist cavalry squadron who lay in wait in the woods just beyond Reutov. Throughout the Brothers’ War, Emperor Peter IV had managed to stay one step ahead of his brother’s machinations -- he had fled from the capital right before the Storming of New Providence, and he had kept Royalist forces at bay with his defensive lines at Reutov and Fort Tiosse. But, on that day, his luck finally failed him. When the Royalists struck, Peter IV himself had been in the castle-town. As he tried to retreat to the safety of Reutov’s keep, the Royalist cavalry cut off his escape. It did not take long for the enemy infiltrators to recognise him, and he was soon cornered, and captured alongside one his chief military aides, Count Erik Othaman. Anastasios Basrid and Willem van Aert immediately withdrew. Reutov did not matter anymore. They had finally snared Peter IV. ____________________________ “Captain Darkwood, Basrid and van Aert attacked the feastgoers at Reutov this morning and captured his Imperial Majesty. They have taken him back to New Providence. Whether he lives or not, I do not intend to let Frederick have him so easily. Empty your garrison; arm every soldier, every goodwife, and every serf you find on the march. Come to Reutov immediately. No matter who shall sit the Orenian throne, they will not do so until the blood price is paid. We march on the capital.” Message from Prince John Casimir to Viktor Darkwood, Captain of the Fort Tiosse garrison, c. 1869 ____________________________ The main Royalist army had been about to march from New Providence that afternoon when the messenger from the vanguard arrived. It must have been a moment of ecstasy for King Frederick I: this cumbersome war could finally end, and Oren could chart its new course in peace. New Providence’s own tepid plans for the Feast of St. Arianne erupted into a momentous celebration as the Royalist vanguard returned to the city with the captured Emperor Peter IV in tow. It is not known if the two brothers had a conversation after they were ‘reunited’ in the capital; perhaps not, as it was clear King Frederick I had never been inclined to try to resolve the civil strife diplomatically. True to that end, the celebrations in New Providence were abruptly cut short. As evening came, so too did another messenger. Although the Royalist vanguard had captured Peter IV in their strike on Reutov, the Loyalist army itself was actually unscathed -- only a smattering had been slain in the attack. As soon as the dust had settled in Reutov, Prince John Casimir rallied every Loyalist troop that was to be found. Fort Tiosse, Fort Linnord, Reutov, and New Vuillermoz all emptied their halls, and formed a stream of soldiers marched under Prince John towards New Providence. While King Frederick I could kill Peter IV at any time, most Loyalists were of the same mind: they had come this far, and they were not willing to bend their knees to Frederick I. Whether their leader was alive or dead, they would fight in his name. King Frederick I was glad to hear the news. In fact, he was delighted. While the imprisonment of Peter IV might sound the death knell for the Loyalist cause, that death might still be a slow and painful one - for both them and Frederick I - if they bunkered down in Reutov. With the Loyalist army now marching to him, King Frederick I could finish all his enemies in one fell swoop. Utterly assured of victory, Frederick I stayed his brother’s execution -- he wanted to ensure the Loyalists marched on New Providence, and did not scarper back to Reutov if they learned of his demise. Prince John’s Loyalist army marched recklessly into the night, and only made a haphazard camp when the lights of New Providence appeared on the horizon. From Prince John, to Frederick I, to Peter IV, little sleep was had that night. Tomorrow, they knew the fate of all of Oren would be decided. Tomorrow soon came. And, with it, came the Battle of New Providence. ____________________________ “I shall never forget that day. I shall never forget the strained look on the soldiers’ faces as they rang their bells up and down the thoroughfare, telling us that we must barricade our doors and shelter in our cellars. ‘The Loyalists are coming! The Loyalists are coming!’, they proclaimed, some nervously, some raucously. We were most confused: just earlier that day, it was sung by every crier that Prince Peter had been taken prisoner by the King. It was only when I saw the King himself - grinning as he rode with his guardsmen through the square - that I understood his intent. His brother had become mere bait, and he was to reel in the whole fish.” Excerpt from the memoirs of the Etwin the Tailor, New Providence, c. 1869 ____________________________ Beneath a pale midsummer sky, King Frederick I stood atop the gatehouse of New Providence. With a smile on his face, he ordered the gates to be opened. Frederick I valued precious little more than reputation and glory; confident that the Royalists would triumph, he refused to be seen as taking shelter behind the walls of New Providence, and he simply invited the Loyalists inside to do battle in the streets of the capital (as for why he did not simply meet the Loyalists in the field outside the city, the prevailing belief is that King Frederick I wished for the townsfolk to witness his victory firsthand). One hour after dawn, as soon as mass could be said, the Loyalist forces amassed in their formations, followed a stoic Prince John inside the city. 7,600 Loyalists marched through deserted city streets, and clashed with 9,500 Royalists in the city square in the Battle of New Providence. Within minutes of the fighting breaking out, the Loyalist frontlines suddenly erupted in deafening cheers: Emperor Peter IV himself had abruptly appeared with Erik Othaman at his side. It transpired that when King Frederick I joined the Royalist troops for battle earlier that morning, a turncloak in the Royalist army - whom the Lords Susa name ‘Floryan Tuvyic’, a Dobrov armsman - freed the Emperor and the Count, allowing them to abscond from their cells in the Aster Palace and join Prince John’s army right as it met with King Frederick I’s. While the Loyalists could have disengaged there and then, Peter IV decided against it. The fighting had already begun (albeit only just), but, whether out of adrenaline or a desire to end the civil war one way or another, Peter IV wished to fight. And so, fight they did. For three hours, the melee reigned over New Providence. The city streets did not allow for a great deal of tactics, and so the two armies simply fought head-on. It was unclear if Peter IV was aware of the Loyalists numerical disadvantage, but Prince John was certainly not -- he knew there was only one way through which the Loyalists could emerge victorious: to take King Frederick I’s head. The one advantage of fighting in the city was that the narrow streets acted as bottlenecks, preventing the superior Royalist numbers from simply overwhelming the Loyalists, and so Prince John launched a viscous onslaught to try and surround King Frederick I, who was prominently positioned in the main square and surrounded by Lucien de Savoie’s unit. With Prince John pressing the attack, Peter IV flanked to the west in the hopes of wrapping around his brother from the rear, while Erik Othaman endeavoured to do the same from the east. The Royalists were waiting; on , Peter IV found Anastasios Basrid waiting with his armsmen from Susa. As they charged one another, Peter IV crossed swords with the general who had served his father all throughout the Sinners’ War -- and killed him. From the east, Erik Othaman, with the aid of the Hounds of Don, broke through the Blackvale formation, and pressed hard towards the square to pincer Frederick I from Joseph’s Gate. They were halted by a detachment from the main Royalist army, led by Princess Victoria. From the attack on Reutov to breaking through the Blackvale lines, Erik Othaman was exhausted when Princess Victoria charged him. The two duelled for almost five minutes, before the Princess ultimately caved in the skull of the Loyalist commander, and dashed their hopes of pincering King Frederick I’s main unit from the east. In the square, as noon neared, Andrezj Ivanovich was dispatched to halt Peter IV’s flank from Styrne Alley, at which point Prince John committed to an all-out assault on Frederick I with every Loyalist troop. Their momentum pushed the Royalists back, and, for a moment, it seemed like the Loyalists might actually clinch victory. With Lucien de Savoie at his side, however, Frederick I held firm: the Loyalists had proven a more tenacious foe than expected, but they had expended nearly all their manpower to get here. The Royalists, on the other hand, still had thousands of troops in reserve. If Frederick I could just withstand this final assault, he knew the Loyalists would be spent. The Royalist frontlines finally splintered, and Prince John personally charged Frederick I’s unit. While Lucien de Savoie’s troops met their advance, Frederick I, eager for glory, insisted on fighting his uncle personally. Had Prince John triumphed in that duel, then the course of Orenian history - and all of Humanity - may have turned out very differently. But triumph he did not; although not fatally, he was wounded several minutes into his bout with Frederick I, and his own retainers had to pull him back from leaping back into the fight. Prince John’s formations soon lost their momentum; they had failed to kill Frederick I when he was right in front of them, and Lucien de Savoie had stopped their advance dead in its tracks. Any gaps the Loyalists carved into the enemy formations were soon filled by the ample Royalist reserves. Erik Othaman was dead, and Peter IV - despite his initial success in killing Anastasios Basrid - found a tougher foe in the ruthless Andrezj Ivanovich. With most of their leaders dead and their strength exhausted, the Loyalists began to break. At one hour before noon, the Battle of New Providence had been decided. House de Vilain were enfeoffed as Barons of Acre at the end of the Brothers’ War, c. 1869 The Loyalists fled from New Providence. At least, what was left of them did. That seemed to include only Prince John Casimir, who was left wounded and incapacitated by his clash with King Frederick I. It is not known who, if anyone, assumed command of the Loyalist forces and gave the command to retreat. In doing so, however, they left their own leader - Emperor Peter IV - stranded in the west side of the city as he had been attempting to flank Frederick I’s position in the square. Andrezj Ivanovich had been sent to halt the Emperor’s advance, and the two remained locked in battle when the rest of the Loyalist army broke. Cheers, mingled with panicked screams, washed over the city and heralded the arrival of Lucien de Savoie’s main forces to box Peter IV against Andrezj Ivanovich. The brief hope that had flared to life in the Emperor after he had been freed from captivity and rejoined Prince John’s army died as the banners of Frederick I appeared from every side. He was out of allies, out of time, and out for luck -- this time, for good. Dejected, Peter IV surrendered, and was taken captive for the second time in twenty-four hours. Only, this time as he was dragged into the throne room of the Aster Palace, there was no Loyalist army preparing to rush to his rescue. No, that army had been smashed and shattered; in the immediate aftermath of the battle, the Royalist forces had advanced, apprehending as many of the Loyalist figureheads as they could. So it was that Peter IV was not the only prisoner brought before his brother’s throne that afternoon - he was joined by his wife, Empress Lucia d’Azor. With his army destroyed, Peter IV had only one value to the Royalists: fanfare. That moment represented the complete and utter victory of the Royalist cause, and cemented Frederick I’s claim as heir to Philip III and Anastasia I, and as King of Oren. Once that fanfare had run its course, Frederick I gave the order to finally do away with his older brother. Ioanna Basrid was given permission to execute Empress Lucia (with whom she had a longstanding rivalry; Ioanna had initially been the intended bride of Peter IV before the succession crisis), which she did so crudely with a crossbow bolt to the forehead. The corpse of Peter IV’s wife slumped at his side, her head split by the bolt, and she joined the thousands of other Loyalists who had died in Peter IV’s name that day. Evidently, he was content to join them. Everything he held dear was already in the Seven Skies. A few moments later, Andrezj Ivanovich bared his blade. On the afternoon of the 21st of the Sun’s Smile 1869, Peter Augustus Novellen was executed. ____________________________ “It has been hypothesised by numerous doctors before my time, and I have no doubt it will be said with more certainty long after I am gone. The evils in every child can be traced to their parents, and the errors with which they were raised.” Excerpt from the musings of Dr. Leonid of Carrington, Court Physician to Frederick I, c. 1869 ____________________________ The moon rose and set. The next day, the sun rose on a different Humanity. King Frederick I had cemented himself as the uncontested King of Oren. He embodied the ideals of the Aster Revolution that had made his parents so beloved: he believed in great change and upheaval to the stagnant world order, but he was also seen as far more reckless and guided by glory and legacy than his parents had arguably been, a detriment that would not become fully apparent until the outbreak of the Successors’ War nine years later. The courts of King Sigismund III of Haense and Grand King Bakir Ireheart of Urguan watched events unfold warily, and anticipated that King Frederick I would soon prove bothersome to their own plans. While that was true, that day was yet far off. Of the Loyalist leaders, only Prince John Casimir survived. His personal unit was the only one to make it out of New Providence intact, and they sheltered in the ruins of Southbridge until the wounded Prince John was well enough to travel. Over the coming days, a few more survivors from the Battle of New Providence joined him, namely Loyalist lords who were preparing to flee Oren. They were right to: two days after his victory, King Frederick I sent out bands of Royalist soldiers to take and plunder the estates of the Loyalist nobility who had not since bent the knee to him. Prince John had become the sole inheritor of the ‘old’ Oren, and while that Oren no longer existed, its ideals of tradition and stability (which had been reviled by the revolutionary Royalists) endured in him. Atop the crumbled bulwarks of Southbridge, Prince John looked out in the direction of New Providence, and bid a silent farewell - and apology - to his homeland, and to Peter IV. At the head of a column of hundreds of Loyalists - men, women, and children alike who all feared Royalist persecution - Prince John set out from Southbridge, away from Oren. They crossed the the straits of central Almaris, and into the continents southern plains and deserts. The land here was humid and poor, but it was a place where Frederick I was unlikely to harry them. Here, they could rebuild what they had lost in the Brothers’ War. So it was that the realm of Balian was born. ____________________________ “Archchancellor, We have followed the Loyalist diaspora past the Straits of Minitz. They have crossed beneath the ruins of San Luciano. At first, we anticipated they would fare even deeper into the arid wastelands, but they seem to have erected a camp on the clayhills across the Savoyard borders. I beheld construction with logs; it appears they intend to remain here.” Scouting report of Captain Valyem of Arichsdorf, Captain of the 2nd Free Company of the Lower Petra, c. 1870 ____________________________ King Frederick I had won the Brothers’ War. There remained a great deal for him to do, however. By the end of 1869, he had re-established control over all of Oren once more. The garrisons in Fort Tiosse and Fort Linnord had surrendered, and Reutov and New Vuillermoz had been plundered and salted. King Frederick I even enacted substantial reconstructions to his capital of New Providence, which completed in 1871. The city was rechristened as ‘Vienne’, in honour of Frederick I’s betrothed, Vivienne of Savoy, whom he wed in his new city later that year. The opulent celebrations were attended by envoys and dignitaries from across the continent; any notion that Frederick I had usurped the Orenian throne or fabricated his parents’ will had been long since abandoned. An interesting footnote on this period of history is the fate of the Crown of Westfall. It will be recalled that the Will of Philip III and Anastasia I had released Arichstorf and the surrounding Lower Grenz from Oren, granting them their own independent nation under Willem van Aert and his wife Laurentina Helvets (the widow of Baron Manfred von Arichsdorf). This new polity, however, never truly took shape: although King Frederick I had pledged to uphold his parents’ decree to secure the support of Arichsdorf and House van Aert in the Brothers’ War, Arichsdorf had withered in strength and number by the end of the War. Without Baron Manfred, Arichsdorf was no longer the urban powerhouse it had been during the Sinners’ War. What strength it possessed after his death was largely spent in the Brothers’ War, too. Westfall had been a stillborn concept, leaving Arichsdorf as a struggling commune. This was compounded by the fact that the town had been raided and its granaries burned by marauders shortly after the Battle of New Providence (believed to be the Hounds of Don or House Romstun, or both, as they retreated north), which led to the onset of famine in the winter of 1869. It is somewhat unclear as to how the idea of an independent Westfall was eventually abandoned: the Lords Susa believe King Frederick I deployed an army to retake Arichsdorf as an Orenian territory, which led to a number of small-scale skirmishes before Willem van Aert and Laurentina Helvets conceded to his demands. It is difficult to say whether this is actually what transpired. Another view is that Arichsdorf’s decline, exacerbated by the Brothers’ War, simply became unfeasible to sustain as an independent territory. Willem van Aert may have been an adept commander, but he seemed to make a poor governor, and Laurentina Helvets seemed no better. No doubt the former was also tired from twenty years of war (with nineteen years spent fighting the Sinners’ War, and another half-year aiding King Frederick I). Ergo, I posit that Arichsdorf unceremoniously assented to rejoining Oren, whether under threat of force or not. As it was, most denizens of Arichsdorf would soon settle in the new townstead of Acre to the east, a new vassal of King Frederick I under the rule of House de Vilain, which had very recently been enfeoffed under Gustaf de Vilain, who had served as commander of the New Providence garrison throughout the civil war. All seemed well in the new Kingdom of Oren. For a time, at least. ____________________________ “The Haensemen of King Sigismund’s Aulic Court watch our struggle with glee. It is no surprise; they had fought us for nearly twenty years, and now they see us fight each other. But be warned, my lord, that it is not just for sport that they observe. No - it is more like a knight watching two rivals fight at a tourney. He watches, because he knows soon he shall fight one of them himself.” Report of Abelrich de Gannes, an Orenian spy stationed in the Haeseni capital of Karosgrad, c. 1869 ____________________________ Human nations had fought each other in the Sinners’ War, and now one of those nations - one that had once been the unifier of all Humanity - fought within itself. It is interesting to think whether any of the great and crowned men of this era paused, and wondered if this was the natural state of things. In the Kingdom of Haense, King Sigismund III and his key role in the Sinners’ War had planted the seeds of what we can refer to as the ‘anti-Empire’; a powerful entity that sponsored disunity across the rest of Humanity -- it was the antithesis of what Oren had once stood for. No doubt Emperor Peter IV had sought to restore that status, and return Oren to a stable and benign unifier, but those values had become the symbol of decay and lethargy in the wake of the later Novellen Emperors prior to the Aster Revolution. So it was that in the void left by the deaths of Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I, their children had fought for their competing views of what Oren ought to be. The cost of the Brothers’ War had been a bloody and terrible one, but perhaps it was a morbid necessity. As I submit in the foreword of this series of essays, for as tragic as periods of interregnum are, they are also a time in which Humankind undergoes the harsh and bitter lessons required to rediscover their strength as a united people. At this moment in history, though, unity seemed further away than ever before. The Kingdom of Haense’s anti-Empire would prove unshakable for generations to come, and the remnants of Peter IV’s Loyalist cause had now created the Duchy of Balian - under Duke John Casimir - in the far south. The Brothers’ War, then, was just one of the many painful steps Humanity had to make to traverse through the darkness of the Great Interregnum. With the civil war’s conclusion after the Battle of New Providence, a fragile peace returned to the continent, but no one was foolish enough to believe it would last. Indeed, as it would transpire, the Brothers’ War was just the second war in a series of four wars fought throughout 1849 to 1890 that would completely upheave the nations of Humanity (with the first having been the Sinners’ War). King Frederick I of the Kingdom of Oren sat comfortably atop his throne for now. But the Successors’ War and the Harvest Revolution were just around history’s corner. This concludes Interregnum: Volume III. Volume IV shall chronicle the events of the Successors’ War, a conflict that derives its name as the primary participants were the direct descendants of the main participants of the Sinners’ War.

Some people don't have the liberty to go on at the correct intervals and at such frequency. This is OK for a non-essential resource, but all armour is locked behind a massive grind wall. Also, for everyone else's clarity, I don't think the Mod Team (as a whole; a couple of individuals may have been roped into testing and design at one stage or another) has ever had a hand in designing PvP gear systems and economy. Squarely a Tech Team thing.

Previous Volumes Volume I: The Novellen Twilight Recommended listening (loop - very good mix) This is Interrengum: Volume II. Volume I explored the ‘Novellen Twilight’, the period in which the Holy Orenian Empire declined and gave way to the period of chaos and disunity we know as the Great Interregnum. In Volume I, I submitted that the Interregnum actually began when the Holy Orenian Emperor Joseph II and Empress Anne I issued the Edict of Separation, releasing the Kingdom of Haense as a vassal, and thereby ending the unification of most Tribes of Horen under a united hegemon. The preceding Volume also chronicled the turbulent period of the 1800s, including the Aster Revolution and the Michaelite Schism, which served as the incendiary prelude to the Sinners’ War -- the largest (and longest) conflict to be waged by Descendants since the War of the Two Emperors (over 130 years earlier). This Volume of Interregnum will record the events of the Sinners’ War; while I posit that the Great Interregnum had begun in 1786 with the Edict of Separation, it was not until the Sinners’ War that its consequences were truly felt. ‘The Siege of Southbridge’, Sofiya vas Ruthern KML (@Siren) c. 1868 In the spring of 1853, an army crossed the southern border of the Holy Orenian Empire. Styling itself as the ‘Tripartite Accord’, this coalition army of the Kingdom of Haense, Dwarves of Urguan, and the Kingdom of Norland was one of the largest fielded in centuries, numbering a colossal total of 16,200 troops. Despite its title, however, the Accord featured to other instrumental factions that would go on to play a coloured role in the unfolding Sinners’ War, and much of the Great Interregnum beyond that: the first was Ferrymen Band, an elite cadre of skirmishers led by Captain Banjo (later known as Basil Mareno) who traced their descent from the Begrudged Alliance (the previous anti-imperial coalition, which had almost shattered Oren under Emperor Peter III in 1778), and once again leapt at the chance to fight imperial Oren (and get paid for it). The second faction were the Hounds of Blackvale, a mercenary company in the service of Grand King Ulfric Frostbeard of Urguan. While they enjoyed less notoriety than the Ferrymen Band, the Hounds of Blackvale would slowly rise to prominence throughout the rest of the Great Interregnum. Today, they are known as the House van Aert. While the Tripartite Accord marched in 1853, it ought be noted that the Sinners’ War itself started slightly before this. Since the ascension of Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I to the Orenian throne after the Aster Revolution in 1849, they had traded barbs and threats with Grand King Ulfric Frostbeard, who had been waging a small-scale war against Emperor Philip II, who had been overthrown by his grandson Philip III in the Aster Revolution. These ‘barbs’ took the form of raids, occurring from 1849-1853. They were largely minor, conducted primarily by Dwarven warriors, Ferrymen, and Hounds, against the Imperial State Army (which remained widely in disarray since the Aster Revolution). While the Dwarves and mercenaries triumphed in the majority of these raids, the Orenians scored one crucial demoralising victory in 1849 when they stormed the Dwarven capital - Kal’Darakaan - in the early hours of the morning and successfully captured Grand King Ulfric himself. The Dwarven King was brought before Philip III in the Orenian capital of Providence, but, instead of being killed or ransomed, the Orenians shaved the Grand King’s beard - a disrespect of no equal in Dwarven culture - and released him. These raids were ultimately trifling ripples in the wake of events to come. In early 1854, the Southbridge offensive began. ____________________________ “One would not think that a place called ‘Jarad’s Tavern’ would be the site of a tactical raid between the Tripartite Accord and the Holy Orenian Empire during the Sinners’ War. One would be correct; because it was not the site of ‘a’ raid, but many.” On the Southbridge Offensive, Memoirs of Lord Palatine Eirik Baruch, c. 1871 ____________________________ The Orenian response to the march of the Tripartite Accord was both startled, and eager. Startled, because the coalition had taken a somewhat surprising form. While the Kingdom of Haense had indicated from the outset of the Dwarven-Orenian tensions that it was bonded to the Dwarves of Urguan through a defensive treaty, many Orenians had not expected to Haeseni to actually honour that obligation, a belief for which there were three main reasons: (i) Haense and Oren were both Human, Canonist nations, and it therefore seemed impalatable that one would support pagan non-Humans in an attack on the other; (ii) while relations between Haense and Oren had not been warm prior to the Aster Revolution, the two nations enjoyed a shared history, with many shared cultural facets and blood connections; and (iii) Haense had, throughout its history, earned a reputation as a thoroughly unreliable ally - they had abandoned their allies before in the War of the Two Emperors and the Burning of Ves, and so many opined that Urguan would suffer the same fair-weather friendship. In the lead-up to the Sinners’ War, King Sigismund III of Haense had attempted to sit on the fence. Unlike Grand King Ulfric, he harboured no desire to wage a war against Oren, but he had been soured towards Philip III and Anastasia I by their rhetoric of ‘united Mankind’ in San Luciano when they sparked their Aster Revolution, and ultimately considered his hand to be forced by the Orenian-orchestrated (and ill-fated) coup of the Canonist Church in the Michaelite Schism, which led to the first of Philip III and Anastasia I’s excommunications (with the second being a controversial letter that alleged Anastasia I had hired a Dragonkin assassin to slay Philip III’s father, Philip Aurelian). To boot, Oren found itself diplomatically isolated by 1854. The Tripartite Accord’s raw prowess was sufficient to scare any minor nations from aiding Oren, and the Principality of Savoy - who had been instrumental in actually putting Philip III and Anastasia I on the Orenian throne - had asserted their independence from Oren in the aftermath of the Michaelite Schism, and Prince Olivier II sent no troops to support Oren’s defence against the Accord. The sole ally Oren managed to secure was an Orcish warband, that of ‘Warboss Fishbref’. While startled, however, there was an undeniable eagerness smouldering within Oren, too. Finally, the four-year long question of whether Haense was friend or foe had been answered, and the need for eggshell diplomacy had ended. Oren could finally channel the momentum and patriotism Philip III and Anastasia I had resurrected in their Aster Revolution, and define itself as the world’s reigning hegemon once again in battle. As the Tripartite Accord’s army of 16,200 marched, the Orenian mobilised their own defensive force of 9,000. ____________________________ “General var Ruthern, After the Terce bell this morning, the Southbridge garrison reported outpost signal-fires being lit on the southern road to Eastfleet. I sent out a unit of outrider scouts, who returned shortly before the Sext bell, in the company of most troops positioned in the Eastfleet outposts. The Tripartite Accord has crossed Eastfleet, and now marches along the Providence Road. The outriders report that their vanguard numbers some 5,000-strong, and they fly the banners of Hanseti-Ruska, Urguan, and Norland. They will reach Southbridge by nightfall. My lord; I beseech you to send aid.” Report of Percival Varrow, ISA Officer, Orenian Southern Command, c. 1852 ____________________________ The stage of their reckoning was to be Southbridge. The southern Orenian borderfort. Southbridge was certainly not the Holy Orenian Empire’s choice of battlefield, however. After all, when Emperor Philip III had issued his demands to the Dwarves in 1849, it had been anticipated that the Orenians would be marching into Urguan on the offensive, and not defending their own lands. Whether due to the Kingdom of Haense’s fence-sitting forcing the Emperor to move cautiously, or turmoil in the Orenian court after the Michaelite Schism, the result was the same: the Tripartite Accord seized the advantage, and marched first. In the new year of 1854, the Tripartite Accord army of 16,200 had assembled at the coastal cliffs of Eastfleet, Oren’s shared border with Urguan. This army - the largest of its kind to assemble in over a century - was placed under the field command of Ailred var Ruthern, a Haeseni duke, alongside Captain Banjo of the Ferrymen Band. Both men were extremely competent field commanders, and so, with a mass of Haeseni, Dwarven, and Norlander warriors supplemented by the elite Ferrymen and Hounds of Blackvale, the Tripartite Accord army that that marched on southern Oren was, by any estimation, an utterly terrifying foe. Although on the back-foot, the Orenians were not deterred. Even while Orenian remained in some domestic disarray (as the Aster Revolution had uprooted most imperial institutions), their response was not lackluster. The Orenian army of 9,000 that marched in response to the Tripartite Accord was still the largest force a singular nation on the continent could produce, and its command was afforded to General Erik var Ruthern (a level-headed veteran who had only sworn fealty to Philip III after the Aster Revolution; incidentally, Erik var Ruthern was also a distant relation of his opposing commander, Ailred var Ruthern), and the silver-tongued Olivier Renault. The fort of Southbridge was the bottle-neck which protected the heartlands of Oren from southern incursion, but it was ill-suited for this task. While the fort had undergone some hasty fortification at the onset of the war, it was too small to adequately garrison the 9,000-strong Orenian army, and it was anticipated it would fare poorly under sustained fire from siege engines. Consequently, the Orenians briefly contested the Accord’s advance through the slopes of Eastfleet in the hopes of instead drawing a defensive frontier in the natural hills, but they were quickly forced to dispense with this endeavour; with only 9,000 troops to contest 16,200 invaders, they had no choice but to garrison Southbridge. Worse, Dwarven naval ships had begun to sail up the continent’s eastern coast towards Southbridge; even if the Orenians had established a position in Eastfleet, the Dwarven ships risked flanking them. So it was that on the morning of the 10th of the Sun’s Smile of 1854, both armies were in position. A warhorn boomed from the Tripartite siege camps, and the Battle of Southbridge began. ____________________________ “From the slopes of Vidaus, a chill wind blew West it wound, ‘cross frozen ground, And o’er Haense it blew. The wind told tales of a shark on a hill, A knight and lord, who wed the sword, And whose talent was to kill.” Excerpt from the ‘Song of Steelheart’, a Haeseni ballad in commemoration of Ailred ‘Steelheart’ var Ruthern ____________________________ From the sea, Dwarven ships unleashed volleys of trebuchet-stones and cannonballs at Southbridge. It must be borne in mind that Humanity had not seen a war of this scale since the War of the Two Emperors, over 130 years ago. In that time, Descendant technology had inevitably evolved; blackpowder cannons (once secretive Dwarven technology) had become common-place, and advances in traditional engineering had developed new models of trebuchets that proved devastating. Most fortresses were not built with these advancements in mind. This was, of course, to Oren’s disadvantage -- they were the ones in the small fort. Fate did not favour the Holy Orenian Empire that day. In the first minutes of the battle, one of the Orenian blackpowder cannons exploded, killing its crew and sowing havoc on the ramparts of Southbridge, which allowed the Tripartite Accord to shell the fortress with very little resistance. By three hours after dawn, Southbridge’s curtain walls had collapsed, and the fort's cramped conditions led to unexpected casualties to falling rubble. In the face of such disadvantage, Oren had one strategy: Olivier Renault and Manfred of Arichsdorf, a prominent Orenian vassal, had led flanking squads from the fort to destroy the Accord siege engines from behind, but they were thwarted by Ferrymen and Blackvale reserves. At five hours after dawn, Ailred var Ruthern commanded the main army to storm the crumbling keep with ladders and ropes. By one hour after noon, the Tripartite Accord had complete control of Southbridge - or what was left of it. Decisively defeated, the Orenians managed a scattered retreat north to Providence, where they regrouped under General Anastasios Basrid, who was later joined by the bulk of the surviving Orenians with General Erik var Ruthern. While it is my contention that the Great Interregnum had begun decades ago - with the signing of the Edict of Separation in 1786 - it was only with the Battle of Southbridge that this became blazingly apparent to the world. The Tribes of Horen had not only fractured, but now waged war against one another. Many of the Tripartite Accord surmised that this would be a short war; their army was larger and better skilled than the Orenian one, and Philip III and Anastasia I had been sapped of their morale after their crushing loss at Southbridge. Of course, they were wrong. The Sinners’ War had only just begun. The fall of Southbridge carved a hole in Orenian defenses, allowing Tripartite raiders to ransack estates as close to a day away from the imperial capital. It did not take long for the fruits of the Tripartite’s victory to sour. Less than one day after their victory, as the stones of Southbridge still smouldered, their field commander - Duke Ailred var Ruthern - was slain by an Orenian survivor while urinating into the sea. While a great loss, this alone was hardly fatal to the titanic coalition; the poison that would sunder it had a slower onset. In the aftermath of Southbridge, the Tripartite leaders debated whether they ought to press their advantage and march north (they were not far from the imperial capital of Providence), or consolidate the conquered environs of Southbridge. Barring the capital itself, this southern region was the most important Orenian territory, as the road from Eastfleet was the central route into Oren. These discussions quickly hit a snag when grievances sparked between Grand King Ulfric Frostbeard and both the Ferrymen Band and the Hounds of Blackvale. Both Captain Banjo and Gaspard van Aert (captain of the Hounds) had come to dislike the Dwarven king; they felt he lacked an affinity for warfare and blamed him for a number of the war’s early blunders (such as their defeat at Cape Whitcombe in 1851, where Dwarven raiders had attempted to land a ship in Providence and fared disastrously). To boot, they claimed that he had reneged on some of the payments promised to both bands, a sentiment which did not sit well at all when the Dwarves were reaping the rewards of their work. When it became apparent this tension was bubbling to a boil after Southbridge (a fact that Tripartite leaders kept hidden from the main army), King Sigismund III attempted to reconcile the Grand King with Captain Banjo and Gaspard, but, even after the mercenaries received their full funds, relations were tense. In light of that, King Sigismund III urged Grand King Ulfric to end the war there and then (before Oren became aware of their predicament) and consolidate their new holdings in Southbridge. But Oren did become aware. While their army was ultimately smaller than the Tripartite Accord, Philip III and Anastasia I had the organisational advantage of being the sole leaders of all of it (unlike the Tripartite Accord’s three monarchs). They could move and act decisively. And, in 1855, that is what they did. ____________________________ “Petra, my love; We may return home sooner than expected. Your royal brother has confided in me that the Orenian Emperor seeks to buy back conquered Southbridge. Whoever heard of such a thing? I suppose it makes sense, and I would be glad to see it. I am not built for this southern heat, and I miss you most dearly.” Excerpt of a letter from Yvo Mondblume to Princess Petra Emma of Haense, co. 1855 ____________________________ The Orenian counterattack began with the carrot, and not the stick. Philip III and Anastasia I opened up two fronts of diplomacy in 1855-1856. The first was with the Tripartite Accord, primarily through King Sigismund III. Philip III and Anastasia I offered to buy back Southbridge from the Accord, a proposition that Sigismund III found very agreeable. The Haeseni King had grown deeply concerned that the growing cracks in the Accord would be exploited by Oren (as they in fact were) and lead to its collapse; the prospect of returning home from a short war with a hefty ransom and being able to claim victory over Oren was, by contrast, very appealing. The second front of diplomacy was with the dissenters within the Accord - the Ferrymen Band and the Hounds of Blackvale. There are few surviving records of this negotiation (a covert affair), but one can readily imagine the gist -- the Orenians sought to buy these mercenaries to their side. They succeeded: in 1855, the Ferrymen Band announced their defection to the Holy Orenian Empire, swayed by only a relatively modest sum, but also the granting of territory within Oren (and, no doubt, to spite Grand King Ulfric). Humanity found itself on tenterhooks; while the Ferrymen Band was a great loss to the Tripartite Accord, a great gain for Oren, it was not yet apparent whether it would give Oren the edge it needed to defeat the Accord in battle. Spurred the defection, King Sigismund III urged his Dwarven allies to accept the Orenian offer to buy back Southbridge, but Grand King Ulfric hesitated; he had already promised the lands to one of his Human vassals (the House de Joannes), and, with the Hounds of Blackvale still encamped with the Accord, he remained confident they held the military advantage. He was wrong. Later in 1856, the Hounds of Blackvale followed the Ferrymen Band in defecting to the Holy Orenian Empire, and swore service to Philip III and Anastasia I in exchange for several titles of imperial importance, among them that of ‘Renatus’, as the House van Aert claimed descent from the Pertinaxi Emperors of the 7th Empire. With the Tripartite Accord robbed of two of its three military advantages (the third being its size), Oren withdrew from negotiations. It no longer needed to buy back Southbridge. It could take it. ____________________________ “Grand King Ulfric, The good Gaspard van Aert has again beseeched me to press our advantage, and attack deeper into the Orenian heartland. I know you are inclined to agree with him. But know that while our army is stronger, we are built on weaker foundations. If we misstep, especially now that the Ferrymen have absconded, our walls may give way.” Excerpt from letters between King Sigismund III of Haense and Grand King Ulfric of Urguan, c. 1855 ____________________________ While the monarchs of the Tripartite Accord reeled from the loss of both mercenary corps, Philip III and Anastasia I seized their advantage. The Orenian army, with renewed vigour, remobilised at Providence under General Erik var Ruthern (who, it is understood, was not overly pleased to continue the war). What the Orenians had lacked in strategy was now shored by the addition of Captain Banjo and Gaspard van Aert to their war council, and in 1857 an Orenian army of 14,200 set out to reclaim southern Oren. Meanwhile, the Tripartite Accord appeared resolute - from the outside, at least. Their army was still massive, and their morale remained high after the Orenian’s crushing defeat at Southbridge. While the common Accord soldier may have thought the Orenian counterattack was foolish, the same sentiment did not hold true in the Accord’s war council; with Ailred var Ruthern dead (a bitter stroke of misfortune, now) and Captain Banjo and Gaspard van Aert now fighting against them, the Accord desperately lacked accomplished commanders. Despite that, the Accord fared better than they hoped at the beginning of this second phase. As they had before the Southbridge offensive, the Ferrymen Band and Hounds of Blackvale spearheaded raids that aimed to undermine the Accord’s morale, but, after they were defeated at Stone Tower, Kal’Darakaan, and Karosgrad throughout 1855-1857, they had actually instilled confidence in the Accord that they could withstand the Orenian counterattack. By 1857, Orenian raids had yielded one victory (also at Stone Tower). When the Orenian army arrived on the banks of the Lower Petra in late 1857, their army of 14,200, led by General Erik var Ruthern, Captain Banjo, and Gaspard van Aert, found themselves facing a Tripartite host of 17,100, now led by the Haeseni Marshal Johann Barclay, Levian’Tol Grandaxe of Urguan, and Maxim Attenlund (a Haeseni hedgeknight). With both sides gaining victories in preliminary raids, no one could say who truly held the advantage. And then the fighting started. ____________________________ “Second Storming of Kal’Darakaan (1856 A.H.) - Victory; Second Battle of Stone Tower (1856 A.H.) - Defeat; Third Battle of Stone Tower (1857 A.H.) - Victory; Battle of Karosgrad (1857 A.H.) - Victory; Battle of Haverfeldt (1859 A.H.) - Defeat.” Excerpt of ‘raid battles’ fought in the Haverlock Defensive, the Black Banner (Haeseni Military History), c. 1877 ____________________________ The Battle of Lower Petra was fought on a bright autumn morning in 1857. The Tripartite Accord was soundly defeated. The main Orenian and Accord armies faced off in the field, but, by four hours after noon, the Orenian formations began encircling the Accord after the Accord cavalry of Maxim Attenlund overextended and was annihilated by Ferrymen skirmishers. One hour before dusk, the Tripartite Accord retreated south before the Ferrymen and Hounds of Blackvale could circle around their slaughtered cavalry to pincer Levian’Tol Grandaxe and Johann Barclay against Erik var Ruthern. What morale the Tripartite Accord had cobbled together after the preluding skirmishes at Kal’Darakaan, Stone Tower, and Karosgrad went up like smoke. A small comfort was the fact that the House de Joannes had, after the Battle of Southbridge, very quickly erected the fortified town of Haverlock on the ruins of Southbridge, from which some Tripartite Accord commanders hoped they could withstand the coming Orenian army, but this was in vain. The Orenian army swelled after their victory, having triumphed at Lower Petra with a smaller army, and numbered 14,600 by the time they reached Haverlock. By contrast, the Tripartite Accord’s army had, through desertions and casualties, shrunk to 12,800. On the rainy morning of 1860, after a few months of regrouping and sieging, Emperor Philip III ordered his army to take Haverlock, and the two sides exchanged artillery fire; Oren hoped to blow a hole through Haverlock’s walls, while the Accord hoped to secure victory by destroying the Orenian siege engines before they suffered a breach. Instead of destroying the Orenian trebuchets, a misfired cannonball from Haverlock flattened the Hounds of Blackvale’s command tent, killing Gaspard van Aert. Despite this initial advantage, Orenian artillery bore a hole through Haverlock’s northern wall at four hours before noon. Levian’Tol Grandaxe and Frederick de Joannes, in command of the Accord defence, ordered their troops to withdraw to Haverlock’s inner bailey, but they were too slow; Captain Banjo led the Orenian vanguard through the breach, and promptly overwhelmed Haverlock. It was not even noon when the Tripartite Accord were forced to abandon Haverlock and retreat with what troops could be salvaged. The shattered Accord army scrambled south. They were forced to abandon what they had conquered in southern Oren. ‘The Volley of Eastfleet’, Sofiya vas Ruthern KML (@Siren) c. 1872 After their victory at Haverlock, Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I had accomplished what they had promised in the Aster Revolution -- to restore Oren to prominence. Now, with the might of the Tripartite Accord broken, the fate of Humanity seemed to rest firmly in Orenian hands once more. At their command, Philip III and Anastasia I now possessed every conceivable advantage: their army had grown larger, they held the loyalty of the continent’s best commanders (namely through the Ferrymen Band and the Hounds of Blackvale), and they enjoyed soaring morale. In exchange for their defection from the Tripartite Accord, Philip III had the Hounds of Blackvale that he would annex their namesake fort of Blackvale within Urguan (which lay in the regions known as the ‘Waystone’ Territories), and now he stood poised to do exactly that. Yet, despite this, the Sinners’ War stalled after the Battle of Haverlock for almost six years. Since 1849, the Holy Orenian Empire had been the epicentre of a maelstrom of events, and so the Orenian victory at Haverlock and the Tripartite Accord’s retreat afforded Philip III and Anastasia I something they had sorely lacked until now: breathing room. More enticing than continuing the war was to finally devote their attention to domestic affairs, which was sorely needed. The Aster Revolution had undone most facets of Orenian government, and while Philip III’s court had slowly begun to rebuild its institutions of government, this had always been a secondary affair in the face of war. Morale and momentum had fuelled the Orenians until now, but it was evident this could not last forever -- if Philip III was to invade Urguan, he would need to formalize his armies, establish supply lines, and shore-up the Orenian chain of command. And so, from 1860 to 1866, Oren turned its attention inwards, suspending its planned annexation of the Waystones temporarily. ____________________________ “Lord van Aert, To you, We entrust the defence of the reclaimed Lower Petra riverland. We do not expect the Tripartite Accord to rear their heads and attack; instead, We bid unto you the task of drafting plans by which Our armies might march into the Underrealm and lay claim to your family seat. We intend to honour Our pact with your late lord father.” Excerpt from orders left by Emperor Philip III to Willem van Aert, c. 1862 ____________________________ Upon returning from war, the first priority of the court of Philip III and Anastasia I was cementing their new order at home. Overall, the duo enjoyed enormous support from their subjects (especially after the Battle of Haverlock), but their path to power - from the assassination of Philip Aurelian, the Michaelite Schism, and their ongoing excommunications - left them with no shortage of enemies in their own garden. One of their most vocal opponents was Princess Charlotte Augusta, the widow of Philip Aurelian (and ergo the Emperor’s mother-in-law) who had fled from Providence to her family estates of Woldzmir in northern Oren after the Aster Revolution. Princess Charlotte initially attempted to broker peace between Oren and the Tripartite Accord, but later declared her own claim to the imperial throne. However, the Accord ultimately declined to commit to installing her as Empress in the event of their victory over Oren, and Princess Charlotte became the subject of vicious mockery in Philip III and Anastasia I’s courts. While fruitless, her efforts were certainly not unfelt; after Woldzmir and Princess Charlotte’s daughter - Moliana Tuvyic - fell under increasing threat from the imperial court at Providence, Moliana - through a magic ritual that would earn her the moniker of ‘the Witch of Dobrov’ - teleported the entirety of Woldzmir Castle into the Kingdom of Haense, and swore fealty to King Sigismund III, an act which incensed the Orenian nobility. A more pressing threat against Philip III and Anastasia I was posed by the House of Alstion, a former imperial dynasty (tracing descent from Emperor Alexander II) who saw the Sinners’ War as a chance to reclaim the imperial throne, and, in their eyes, set it to rights. Charles Alstion - who would much later become King of Aaun - and a small band of retainers had aided the Tripartite Accord at Southbridge and Haverlock, but, similar to the plight of Charlotte Augusta, failed to convince King Sigismund III to commit to placing him on the imperial throne. It must be recalled that the Tripartite Accord was, by 1855, decisively losing the war. While Charles Alstion had fomented some support within Oren, a traitor from his retinue revealed the conspiracy to Philip III, which spelled the end of the Alstion endeavours and, in turn, the end of any organised dissent within Oren. There still lay a shadow of turmoil of a different sort brewing in Oren, however - factionalism within the imperial court, namely around the Emperor’s own children - Prince Peter, and the younger Prince Frederick. Both were ambitious young men, both had starkly different visions for Oren, and both coveted the imperial throne. For now, though, the Holy Orenian Empire enjoyed a blissful half-decade. Were it not for the Eastfleet campaign, that bliss may have endured to this very day. ____________________________ “Lord Tuvyic, It is with great regret that I must inform you that when I woke to begin my patrol of Woldzmir this eve, the Castle had, most regrettably, completely vanished.” Report from Captain Igor Revitt, to Fyodor Tuvyic, c. 1855 ____________________________ The Holy Orenian Empire from 1860-1866 was practically unrecognisable from a decade prior. Providence boomed as an imperial capital, now under the stewardship of reinvigorated ministries of Philip III and Anastasia I’s court. For the first time since the Edict of Separation in 1768, there was even a prominent vassal beyond the capital in the form of Arichsdorf, whose militias became a cornerstone of the Orenian army (with the other two being the main imperial forces under Erik var Ruthern, and the mercenary corps of the Ferrymen Band and the Hounds of Blackvale). While the sun shone on Oren, the same, naturally, could not be said for the Tripartite Accord. In the Kingdom of Haense, King Sigismund III faced renewed efforts from Oren - chiefly helmed by Olivier Renault - to cede from the war. Diplomatic envoys assured the Haeseni court that the Dwarves of Urguan (and more particularly the fort of Blackvale) was Oren’s only remaining interest in the war, but Haense remained deeply sceptical. While there were vocal critics of Sigismund III who advocated leaving the Dwarves of Urguan to their own misfortune, this was tempered by the begrudging belief that Philip III and Anastasia I could not be trusted not to renege on their assurances. Orenian diplomacy also suffered from some self-sabotage; Manfred of Arichsdorf, Oren’s premier vassal, had contrarily sworn to Prince Karl Sigmar of Haense that the Empire would certainly attack and subjugate Haense in due course. In Urguan, Grand King Ulfric Frostbeard faced even greater pressure. Not only was Oren preparing to annex a large portion of strategically-important Urguani territory, but many in the Tripartite Accord blamed the Grand King for disenfranchising the Hounds of Blackvale and the Ferrymen Band throughout and in the aftermath of the Southbridge offensive. Consequently, Grand King Ulfric initiated negotiations with Emperor Philip III throughout 1861-1863, but they eventually proved fruitless: for Philip III, it was non-negotiable that the lands of Blackvale within Urguan were annexed, and for Grand King Ulfric, it was non-negotiable that this territory remained in Urguani control. Worse, the Grand King fell into dire straits at home when he rebuked his vassals - Clan Ireheart - for their aggressions against the independent township of Du Loc in the south. When Providence finally began to mobilise troops in late 1864, Grand King Ulfric resigned himself to the fact that he had little means of resisting their assault. He reopened negotiations with the intent of ceding to the demands of Philip III and Anastasia I. Fate, however, had one more verse to play in the Sinners’ War. In 1864, Ulfric Frostbeard abruptly abdicated as Grand King of Urguan. In his place, Bakir Ireheart was swiftly elected to the throne. ____________________________ “Lady mother, Today I had the honour of meeting the new Dwarven king. As Ser Viktor and I visited our garrison at the Northern Waystone Outpost, Bakir Ireheart stumbled through the gates, alone and drunk, and presented the severed head of an Orenian captain before he collapsed in a stupor. I had never met a finer Dwarf in my life.” Excerpt of a letter from Prince Karl Sigmar to his mother, Queen Emma of Haense, c. 1865 ____________________________ If Ulfric Frostbeard had been the sun, then Bakir Ireheart was the moon -- such were their differences as Grand Kings. As the elder of the Dwarven Clan Ireheart, Bakir was a distinguished warrior whose calling lay with battle; he had very little interest in, and, indeed, very little affinity for, governance. Yet the Dwarves of Urguan found themselves in a state of war, and it was on that premise that Bakir Ireheart was enticed to seek the throne for himself. The prevailing belief is that in the aftermath of the Ireheart-Du Loc controversy, Ulfric Frostbeard had been convinced to step down and, upon his ascension, Grand King Bakir Ireheart boldly proclaimed he would beat back any Orenian incursion into Urguan. Compared to the previous five years, in which Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I had ample time and control to set their designs in motion, events suddenly began to spiral rapidly. Grand King Bakir’s coronation brought with it a second-wind to the Tripartite Accord. In the Kingdom of Haense, the court of King Sigismund III had grown disenthused with their defensive commitment to the Dwarves, but - wearied by war - they saw a much more palatable ally in Grand King Bakir, and the same was true for King Ragnvald Eirikson of Norland (who largely played a passive role Tripartite politics). More important than Grand King Bakir’s relationship with his allies, however, was with his ‘enemies’. Grand King Bakir had been a stalwart ally and compatriot of Captain Banjo both during and prior to the Southbridge offensive, and, now that he was on the Dwarven throne, the Ferrymen Band considered their grievances with Urguan settled and declared that they would once again support the Tripartite Accord in 1864. The Hounds of Blackvale, however, were steadfastly committed to Oren. Oren, naturally, did not sit idle, and in 1864 Philip III declared the ‘Final Offensive’, through which he endeavoured to annex the Waystones (wherein lay the fortress of Blackvale) from Urguan. Much in the same way that Southbridge had sat on a critical road for Oren, the loss of the Waystones for Urguan would strangle their own main roads; Grand King Bakir simply could not afford to lose it. As both the Tripartite Accord and Holy Orenian Empire set to rallying their full forces once again for what would serve as the climax of the Sinners’ War, Oren suffered a further upset when the Principality of Savoy, once their closest allies, joined the Tripartite Accord in 1865 following an Orenian-sponsored coup of Prince Lucien de Savoie , who had succeeded Prince Olivier II and was seen as an even greater wildcard within Providence. Prince Lucien's allegiances became cemented after the Disgrace at Arischdorf, where the Aurelian Brotherhood, a band of Orenian freeriders, while under truce with Manfred of Arichsdorf. The Savoyards were not the only last-comers to the Sinners’ War, either, and later that same year, Grand King Bakir successfully secured the aid of the Elves of Nevaehlen, effectively turning the Sinners’ War into a continental-wide one. In the new year of 1866, two massive armies mobilised. 11,600 Orenian attackers. 18,100 Tripartite defenders. ____________________________ “A recorded 29,700 troops fought at the Battle of Eastfleet. To our understanding, this is the third largest-ever battle in Humanity’s history. The second largest was the fateful Siege of Helena of 1716, in which 40,000 soldiers (17,500 Renatians against 22,500 Orenians) fought. The single largest was, of course, the Battle of the Goldfields. Never have we again come close to the 65,000 soldiers as we did in the Goldfields.” Historical notations of Rhys var Ruthern, compiled in the Black Banner, c. 1877 ____________________________ In 1866, the two armies met at Eastfleet, the coastal borderlands between the Holy Orenian Empire and Urguan. 11,600 troops mustered from a single nation was still a testament to Oren’s raw strength, but it was now facing a coalition of five enemy nations - now that Savoy and Nevaehlen had joined the frey - who were further bolstered by distinguished commanders in Captain Banjo of the Ferrymen Band, Grand King Bakir himself, Prince Lucien of Savoy, and Ser Grigori Vyronov and Ser Viktor Baruch, the champions of King Sigismund III’s court, with 18,100 troops at their back. Emperor Philip III, despite some calls from within his council, was not dissuaded. Together with General Anastasios Basrid and Willem van Aert, he led the Orenian army south to Eastfleet. On the evening of the 5th of the Sun’s Smile 1866, the Orenians encamped themselves on the north side of Eastfleet’s bay, and the Tripartite encamped on the south. The timing of this clash was not random; the hills and narrow roads of Eastfleet made for difficult terrain, but a High Elven astrologer - whose name appears to have been recorded, but spelled horrendously incorrectly by a Haeseni scribe as ‘Solulu’su’sumu’ - wrote to the Tripartite, disclosing that there was to be an anomalously low-tide from the 4th-10th of the Sun’s Smile of 1866, which would see the tide recede so far out that armies could fight on the shore. The Tripartite concocted a plan to charge the Orenians across this low tide, but another learned High Elf - one who likely bore a grudge against Haense for their machinations in the Silver War nearly 30 years earlier - had already brought the low-tide to Philip III’s attention, and the Orenians fashioned a similar plan. And so, on the 6th of the Sun’s Smile 1866, the Orenian army of 11,600 clashed with the Tripartite host of 18,100 in the low-tide, and the Battle of Eastfleet unfolded*. Arrows rained from the hills as the opposing infantry clashed in the shallows of the bay, while cavalry forces manoeuvered along the fringes of the battlefield to establish pincering formations. Although the Orenians had secured victory when outnumbered before at the Battle of Lower Petra, their stratagems at Eastfleet were all firmly checked by Captain Banjo’s command, and, slowly, the superior numbers of the Tripartite Accord simply whittled down the Orenian army. By one hour after noon, the Orenian central command under Philip III and General Basrid received distress signals from their front-lines under Willem van Aert. With their forces spread thin across the bay, Philip III resolved to lead reserves to Willem’s aid and stoke Orenian morale, and sent messengers with commands for the Emperor’s two sons - Prince Peter, and Prince Frederick - to join him with reinforcements. The princes, however, did not answer the call. After a scout reported movements in the eastern foothills which Philip III incorrectly assumed to be his sons riding to his aid, he led his sortie into the Haeseni frontlines. While they pressed deep towards King Sigismund III’s camp, their charge was ground to a halt by the King’s knights of the Marian Retinue, who entrapped the Emperor’s forces while Dwarven soldiers encircled them. Shortly before three hours after noon, urgent reports reached General Basrid in the Orenian main camp: Kronk Ireheart, marshal of the Dwarven forces, had critically wounded Emperor Philip III with a warhammer. By four hours after noon, Willem van Aert’s lines were strained to breaking-point under attacks by Grigori Vyronov and Lucien de Savoie’s vanguard, and news of the Emperor’s injuries had sown discord and panic through the Orenian ranks. At nearly three hours before dusk, General Basrid sounded a full retreat. The Holy Orenian Empire had been defeated. ____________________________ *Some historical accounts claim that the Battle of Eastfleet was a naval conflict, fought aboard ships, but this appears to be an invention by later scholars. There remains concrete records - most notable that of the Eastfleet harbourmaster - that the low-tide of 1866 left entire ships stranded on the bay, and that the two armies found in shin-deep shallow water. New Providence, c. 1870 The consequences of the Battle of Eastfleet were many, and profound. While Eastfleet was the climax and final battle of the Sinners’ War, the War itself was not yet over. In the aftermath of Eastfleet, both armies retreated into their respective territories; the triumphant Tripartite garrisoned themselves in the Urguani borderlands to deter any further Orenian attacks, but none ever came. Though the wounded Emperor Philip III survived Eastfleet, the dream of annexing Blackvale from Urguan did not. By 1866, the Holy Orenian Empire had been at war with the Tripartite Accord for 16 years, and while the interlude between Haverlock and Eastfleet had been an essential reprieve for Oren, the defeat at Eastfleet made it starkly apparent that the Orenian people had tired of war. In any case, the sheer cost of funding and assembling another invasion force made the prospect a relative impossibility. To compound that impossibility, Grand King Bakir Ireheart had begun to construct a new and enormous ‘grudge-fort’ in the Waystones, diminishing Orenian prospects of annexing the territory even more. Fearing that the Accord would launch a counterattack into Southbridge again, Emperor Philip III recovered from his injuries at Southbridge (rebuilt and refortified since its reconquest after the Battle of Haverlock). From Southbridge, Philip III took personal command of what remained of the Orenian forces; after dismissing General Anastasios Basrid, he disbanded the Imperial State Army, and reformed it as the ‘Imperial Legion’, of which he appointed himself general. Every vestige of remaining Orenian strength was channelled into the Lower Petra, and while a number of raiding campaigns ensued in the region (and in the Grenz), the Accord made no move to counterattack (contrary to Grand King Bakir Ireheart’s best efforts). Emperor Philip III buried himself in the duties on a field commander, aiding Willem van Aert in the defence of Lower Petra and Manfred of Arichsdorf in the Grenz against raiders, and left one of his cabinet councillors - his treasurer, Henry Penton - to broach negotiations with the Tripartite Accord. While King Sigismund III came to the table on behalf of the Accord, the peace process would be a long and tedious one. ____________________________ “Something had most assuredly changed in his Imperial Majesty since he sustained injury at Eastfleet. As if it were a point of pride, he declared he would not set fit in Providence until our lands were secure. It was before the entire gathering of ISA officers that he revoked General Basrid of his rank on account of his orders to retreat from Eastfleet, and that he himself would lead the new Imperial Legion to glory. I am unsure if I ought to be in awe, or concerned.” Musings of Sergeant Harlowe of Cathalon, Imperial Legion chronicler, c. 1861 ____________________________ While Emperor Philip III saw to the defence of his borderlands, Empress Anastasia I tended to their hearth in Providence. The machinations of the imperial throne had grown deeply unpopular, a stark swing compared to the prevailing morale that followed their victory at Haverlock seven years earlier. Even Philip III and Anastasia I’s own children - Prince Peter and Prince Frederick - had become obstructionist to their parents’ aims; for instance, it was only after his father threatened him with imprisonment that Prince Frederick marshalled his personal troops at Southbridge to aid in the defence, and both brothers had been accused of varying degrees of insubordination during the Battle of Eastfleet. Empress Anastasia I tenuously held the peace in the capital, while Philip III tried to hold the borders beyond it. Ironically, it was an incident in Providence itself that robbed the Emperor and Empress of what prestige remained. In an event dubbed the Providence Tea Party, Captain Banjo’s Ferrymen infiltrated the imperial palace in Providence, and scaled to the roof undetected with ropes and grapples. There, they lay in wait, until a feast was held after Philip III returned from a victory against raiders in Arichsdorf (which marked the first time the Emperor had returned to Providence since his defeat at Eastfleet). The celebrations were short-lived; Captain Banjo’s skirmishers smashed through the palace windows, abseiling down into defenceless crowds of courtiers. Amongst those captured were Prince Frederick, and Emperor Philip III himself. Prince Frederick was delivered to the Kingdom of Haense, where he was released by King Sigismund III both as a token of goodwill, and as recompense for Frederick intervening to save the life of Sigismund III’s marshal, Johann Barclay, who was captured at the Disgrace of Arichsdorf. Philip III, on the other hand, was delivered to the Ferrymen Band’s fortress in Urguan. There, he was tortured for six days. ____________________________ The Lords Justinian and Adolphus of Susa consider three theories as to why Prince Peter and Prince Frederick did not answer their father’s call for reinforcements during the Battle of Eastfleet. One is that Prince Peter’s supporters waylaid Prince Frederick’s soldiers; the second is that Prince Frederick waylaid Prince Peter. The third is that they both ignored the call, and hoped that when the battle ended, the imperial throne would be free for one of them to take. Author’s note. ____________________________ Grand King Bakir Ireheart was not known for his mercy. Ergo, it was out of honour that he ordered Philip III’s release. 17 years prior, Philip III had ordered the release of the captured Grand King Ulfric Frostbeard after a daring Orenian raid on the Dwarven capital of Kal’Darakaan at the very start of the war, and so Grand King Bakir evidently felt he had to show similar ‘courtesy’ - a term used loosely, given Philip III was severely maimed during his captivity (which the Dwarves compared to have considered equivalent to Philip III’s shaving of Grand King Ulfric’s beard during his capture). The trend of monarchs attempting to slaughter one another would not come to prominence until much later, during the Covenant War. A broken Emperor Philip III was found wandering alone and treated for his injuries in Du Loc in 1867, where he had his maimed hand and eye replaced with mechanical ones. When he returned to Providence later this year, he formally renounced any notion of waging further war against the Tripartite Accord, and authorised Henry Penton to conclude a peace with King Sigismund III and his son, Prince Karl Sigmar (by now, the three had bickered over terms for months). The Peace of Eastfleet was concluded in 1868, and with it came the end of one of the longest wars in Human history (totalling nineteen years). The peace treaty marked the defeat of the Holy Orenian Empire, and, as reparations, they ceded multiple border regions to the Dwarves of Urguan and the Kingdom of Haense, none of which were particular integral, barring Upper Grenz (which was ceded to Haense). All sides were relieved to see the end of the Sinners’ War; the only side who was not war-weary were Grand King Bakir’s Dwarves, but they were content with their gains from the peace treaty. Fate would soon oblige the Grand King’s bloodlust in any case. But peace could not undo what had been set in motion. For the first time in over a century, the bonds of Humanity had been forsaken. It had been one thing to watch the decline of Oren’s influence over the reign of Philip II, and quite another to see it decisively smashed in Philip III’s. In the absence of a clear hegemon, the way was paved for actors - big and small, benign and malevolent - to set in motion their own designs for Humanity. A cornerstone of the Kingdom of Haense’s opposition to Oren was sparked by fear that Philip III and Anastasia I would attempt to forcibly unite Humanity once more, and, so detestable was that prospect that Haense had committed itself to the aid of the Dwarves of Urguan, the historical nemesis of Humanity. From where we sit, two hundred years later, it is a difficult to thing to fathom what drove the Haeseni to stand against Oren so stalwartly: bitterness that flowed from the suicide of King Sigismund II, so long ago? Or newfound pride in their own strength? Or, perhaps the sundering of Humanity’s unity was of Oren’s making; had Philip III never deigned to utter those words - ‘united Humanity’ - or abstained from pursuing war against the Dwarves, perhaps that unity could have indeed come in time. Naturally, the fault lies with both, for the Empire of old had grown withered and rotted. Only through interregnum could these lessons of pride be unlearned. And now a great one was well and truly upon them. This concludes Interregnum: Volume II. Volume III shall chronicle the outbreak of the Brothers’ War between Prince Frederick and Peter Novellen in the chaos that submerged Oren following the deaths of their parents, Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I.

me (archlector)

Ryke's ears twitched when he heard the news. Squatting in a dingy tavern on the borders of Numendil as he was, he did not pay much attention to the hearsay traded by the patrons (most of whom were backwater farmers, or drunks), but when the tale was told with more vigour by each new patron with each passing hour, Ryke started to reconsider. "... War within the Empire ..." "... Lordly twats at it again ..." "... Don't bode well for no one ..." Under the brim of his straw hat, the Vampyre smiled patiently, and tapped a long fingernail on the brim of his wooden tankard. Perhaps this might finally present an opportunity enticing enough to lure him out of this tavern, where the only blood he had to drink was that of the unwary and the inebriated. Before the sun had fully set, he had picked out the path to this Drusco. He always liked an underdog, but it wasn't all that important. He didn't care which side would lead him to blood.

Though Alban by birth, after months of scouring Human archives, modern revisionism - or perhaps it is illiteracy - boggles Arrolt the Orphan. Young as he was, he could not help but lament the decay of scholarism in favour of political expediency.

Interregnum. ‘Between Empires’. A period when Humanity - and, consequently, all Descendantkind - are without a dominant hegemon. It is a time of chaos, of disunity, and of fracture. Yet, despite that, it is my belief that times of interregnum are a vital aspect of Humanity. A necessary contrast upon the Tapestry of Man. Without doubt, Humanity stands at its zenith when the Tribes of Horen are united under a common banner. But, as our mortal bodies age, so too do our empires wither with the passing of time. The feats of glory in which empires were forged fade, replaced with disillusions of what an empire should be, but is not; the memories of proud heroes worthy of service are supplanted with slothful inheritors; and once-mighty armies of united Tribes are reduced to parades, incapable of withstanding common marauders. This is, however, a natural thing. Were it not for the harshness of winter, we would be strangers to the bliss of summer. So too is the same true of the rise and fall of Humanity’s great empires. It is only in the chaos of disunity that we, as a people, rediscover the calling of a greater cause, of Exalted Horen’s unified kingdom, and accept that great deeds can only be accomplished through Humanity’s collective strength. In the 19th century, the Holy Orenian Empire (the 8th Empire) fell. The Interregnum that followed was one in which Humanity languished for nearly 200 years, until the reformation of the Empire of Man. I am Arrolt the Orphan, and this is the tale of how that interregnum began, endured, and ended. This is the Chronicle of the Great Interregnum. This is Interrengum: Volume I. The beginning of this saga is the ending of another; in order to understand how the Great Interregnum came to an end, we must understand the circumstances of its birth. So it is that we turn to the downfall of the last Empire to reign over Humanity, and the Dynasties of House Novellen and House Helane that presided over it. This Volume of Interregnum records the series of events that led to the breakdown of the Holy Orenian Empire of House Novellen and Helane (otherwise known as the “Petrine Empire”, or simply “Oren”). As a foreword, this work is, in part, a spiritual successor to the essays The Decline and Fall of the Holy Orenian Empire, a comprehensive series authored by the Lords Justinian Nafis and Adolphus Gloriana (both of Susa), with which any Human scholar ought to familiarise themselves with. Especially in this first Volume, there is some degree of overlap (as the fall of the Novellen Empire is a cornerstone of both works). The year was 1786 A.H. The Holy Orenian Empire had stood for four generations. In that time, the 8th Empire rose from the defeat of their progenitor, Joseph Marna, in the War of the Two Emperors to produce three Holy Orenian Emperors, one Holy Orenian Empress, and feats of monumental Human governance. Having inherited the husk of the Renatian Empire, the Novellen and Helane Emperors rejected the guiding principles of their predecessors, the Pertinaxi Dynasty, and, instead of ruling through sheer martial might, favoured law, diplomacy, and reason. This philosophy was chiefly manifested through robust civil institutions - for which some of the most accomplished statements in Human history, such as Simon Basrid, can be thanked. From the thriving metropolis of Helena, the elected legislature of the House of Commons, to the expansive laws of the Orenian Revised Code, the Petrine Empire defined itself with a level of sophistication that has yet to be seen since its fall. This iteration of Oren was not, of course, without its difficulties. Challenges were present from the outset as Emperor Alexander II - the first imperial sovereign of the 8th Empire - struggled to restore order in the post-Pertinaxi era, and later Emperor Peter III faced not one, but two mortal struggles against anti-imperial coalitions; first in the Rubern War of 1740-1760, and later in the Begrudged War of 1755-1780. Both coalitions may have spelled an early end for the Empire, were it not for severe winter storms frustrating the Alliance of Independent States from mustering their full army in the Rubern War, and a sweeping wheat crop failure in 1779 that forced both sides of the Begrudged War to stand down their armies. So it was that the Novellen Empire persisted as the reigning hegemon. Until 1786. __________________ “Though, I will confess there is one thing that worries me. We have been too long without war. That is not to say I relish bloodshed, only that I fear when the time comes, we will not remember how to fight.” Extract from the letters of Caspen Rhene, an Imperial State Army sergeant stationed in the Lower Petra riverlands, to his wife c. 1795 __________________ In 1784, Joseph II and Anne I were crowned as joint Holy Orenian Emperor and Empress. While both wise and capable rulers who had played major roles in building the Holy Orenian Empire to the goliath (as it then was), they inherited one particularly grating problem from their predecessor, Emperor Peter III: the Kingdom of Haense, the sole autonomous vassal nation in the Empire (as the Kingdom of Kaedrin had been absorbed into Oren proper in 1768). Peter III had legendarily clashed with the young, and equally temperamental, King Sigismund II of Haense on more than one occasion. Sigismund II had staunchly opposed the Empire’s policies of centralisation, which were cornerstones of the Novellen Empire, and while the Orenian government had successfully established the supremacy of imperial law and its legislatures, Haense chafed at attempts to centralise administration, taxation, and militaries across the Empire (all of which were ultimately unsuccessful). These difficulties would have been far from fatal if not for the more ‘personal’ clashes between Peter III and Sigismund II, of which there were three. The first was the Storming of Ekaterinburg, where Peter III, in an apparent fit of madness, stormed the Haeseni palace after the death of Maya of Muldav - King Sigismund II’s mother - and set fire to her bedroom; the second was when Haeseni settlers had been induced to settle and invest in the newly colonised imperial lands of Suffonia, only for Peter III to levy extortionate taxes that drove out the settlers; and the third, and greatest, was when Peter III committed Haeseni forces to fighting in the Begrudged War without consultation. So opposed had King Sigismund II become to the machinations of Peter III that he committed suicide in protest in 1762, an act which irreconcilably turned his subjects against cooperation with the Empire. __________________ "It will be recalled that King Sigismund II once stowed away on an expedition to the continent of Athera at the age of seven. It is little surprise that he would kill himself just to spite his Imperial Majesty." Extract from an Orenian intelligence dossier, Unknown author, c. 1762 __________________ This brings us back to that fateful date of 1786. The year of the Edict of Separation. In the two years since Joseph II and Anne I had taken the imperial throne as co-monarchs, they remained dealing with the largely-dissident Kingdom of Haense. After Sigismund II’s death, his infant son King Josef I was placed under an interim government of Lord Regent Konstantin Wick, who had a long history of serving in Oren. Konstantin Wick entered into long talks with the Orenian government both before and after the death of Peter III in 1784, the focus of which was securing guarantees for Haeseni’s autonomy as a vassal. While the Orenians agreed in principle, talks stalled over what form any privileges should take. In the end, they took no form at all. When King Josef I came of age and the regency government of Haense ended, the young king was not content with mere guarantees; he sought outright independence. But, instead of rebelling, he adopted a strategy of obstructionism -- he would, essentially, annoy his lieges to death. This strategy was surprisingly effective: Haeseni politicians elected to the House of Commons stalled and frustrated many bills, to the extent that the Orenian government was investing a great deal of effort to deal with the Haeseni for no gain at all. 1786 was the year King Josef I’s efforts bore fruit, for that is when the young king was suddenly summoned to the imperial capital of Helena and, very abruptly, released of his oaths entirely. This made the Kingdom of Haense a wholly independent kingdom for the first time since 1669 (when King Sigmar I swore fealty to Emperor Aurelius of Renatus). Some scholars remark that the Edict was likely a result of fear that Haense would eventually resort to open rebellion, and, with the aid of the Empire’s enemies (such as the participants of the Begrudged Alliance), dismantle the Holy Orenian Empire in its entirety. While a plausible threat, I do not believe this was the determinative reason: instead, I believe the Edict of Separation was the result of sober political pragmatism. After all, the vision of the Holy Orenian Empire was to unite the Tribes of Horen in common cause, and the Novellen Empire had made a point to do so without tyranny nor bloodshed. If Haense had no desire to participate in that cause, then it was contrary to the vision of the Novellen Empire to force them. While the ‘Holy Orenian Empire’ would persist as a state in its own right for several more decades, I submit that it is this exact moment when it ceased to be an ‘Empire’, and the Great Interregnum began. __________________ "If there are no shared bonds of nationhood, how can you expect a Haenseman to be an Imperial? You can’t force them, for it breeds resentment." Extract from the interview of Archchancellor Jonah Stahl Elendih of Oren in A Study on the Edict of Separation, by Alric, Irene & Maric Ruthern __________________ That the Empire ended and the Great Interregnum began in 1786 is a bold claim, one which prudence demands I justify. While scholars (such as the Lords Susa) date the cessation of the Empire as either with the deaths of Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia I in 1868 or with the dissolution of the Kingdom of Oren following the Harvest Rebellion in 1884, I opine that Oren had long since stopped being an ‘empire’ by this point. For this, I will give three main reasons. The first is that Oren was no longer an ‘empire’ in the literal sense. With the Edict of Separation, it had released its only remaining vassal state, and therefore ceased to operate as any kind of feudal federation. All of Oren was now beholden to a single, central government. The second is that Oren could no longer call itself a true hegemon; while it remained a strong nation in its own right, there was little doubt it would be unable to contend were another anti-imperial coalition to arise, which had a domino-effect of impinging its foreign policies and alliances. The third - and greatest - is one of symbology. An ‘empire’ that draws its descent from Exalted Horen must claim sovereignty over the majority of Human Tribes, and so, with the cessation of Haense, Oren could no longer do so. There were now many Human settlements outside of the Empire. It had no doubt been the hope of Joseph II and Anne I that the peaceful cessation of Haense would allow the two nations to maintain an alliance, and allow Oren to undergo overdue-reforms without Haeseni obstructionism. To this end, the co-monarchs were largely successful: although Haense quickly formed the ‘Iron Accord’ as a military alliance with the Kingdom of Norland and Dwarves of Urguan (both historic foes of Oren), this remained a purely defensive alliance to guarantee Haense’s newfound freedom (likely spurred by the fear that Joseph II and Anne I’s successor sought to undo the Edict). Meanwhile, Joseph II and Anne I tended to the rest of Oren with a renewed vigour, breathing another three generations of life into it. An uneasy peace gripped Almaris for the next seven decades. A peace that endured until the Aster Revolution of 1849. As the decades passed, that peace became more and more tenuous. By the middle of the 19th century, there was a distinct sense of anticipation upon the continent of Almaris. In Oren, the elderly Emperor Philip II (note I use ‘Emperor’ as a title of custom; as noted in Chapter I, it should be apparent that Oren was no longer an Empire from 1786) had succeeded his brother Emperor John VII in 1837. While John VII had alleviated some of Oren’s growing sense of stagnancy throughout his reign (chiefly through his victory over the Kingdom of Norland in the Tenth Nordling War), the Oren inherited by Philip II was a husk of what it had once been. Philip II himself was a clerical scholar with little affinity for governance, and he lacked competent retainers to make up for his shortcomings, save for his two children - Josephine Augusta (his Archchancellor), and Philip of Adria (his heir). Consequently, Philip II was deeply unpopular at home and abroad. In the north, the Kingdom of Haense had experienced the inverse under the reign of the young King Sigismund III. Relations between Sigismund III and Philip II were far from warm; early into his reign, Sigismund III had marched knights into Orenian territory to demand recompense from an Orenian duke who had insulted the king’s younger brother (the ‘March on Cathalon’), and relations went from bad to worse when Sigismund III rebuked a diplomatic delegation sent from Oren to resolve the dispute (as it was led by Sigismund III’s birth mother, who had faked her own death to flee to Oren). To the south, Philip II faced an even more pressing threat, as descendants of the ancient lineage of House de Savoie (once an imperial dynasty themselves, long ago) had established the reborn Principality of Savoy, led by Prince Olivier Renault (or, from his coronation, Prince Olivier I of Savoy) of House de Savoie, a former Orenian general in the Imperial State Army who had served under Emperor John VII in the Tenth Nordling War. Olivier I, disenfranchised with the decline of Oren, was both charismatic and ambitious, and made no secret he sought to expunge Philip II. To that end, Olivier I had forged fast friendships with King Sigismund III, and humiliated Philip II in a diplomatic meeting mediated by the Canonist Church, where he forced the Orenian Emperor to concede several important historic titles. Despite these great waves in the world of men, it was not they who would incite the looming war. It was the Dwarves of Urguan. __________________ "I did not know what to expect from meetings between sovereigns, until I accompanied King Sigismund III for his first meeting with Emperor Philip II in the city of Providence. I certainly did not expect them to play chess to decide whether to renew their defensive alliance. I will never forget the look on the Emperor’s face when he was placed in check-mate." Extract from the memoirs of Hademar of Jerovitz, squire of the Marian Retinue, c.1844 __________________ In 1847, tensions sparked between the Holy Orenian Empire and the Dwarves of Urguan over an alleged assault on two Dwarven merchants by imperial soldiers. While a relatively minor incident, both Emperor Philip II and Grand King Ulfric Frostbeard of Urguan were quick to muster troops along their shared border, near the coastal hills of Eastfleet. In an odd sense, it was a ‘cordial’ conflict; both monarchs agreed not to involve their allies, and both were glad to fight. For Urguan, it was a chance to fight an ancient enemy, while Philip II hoped to repeat what his brother, Emperor John VII, had done with the Tenth Nordling War and demonstrate to the world that Oren remained strong. A number of skirmishes broke out across Eastfleet, but none of note. Meanwhile, Olivier I had been attempting to convince King Sigismund III to join him in a war against Oren to oust Philip II. Depending on the source, Olivier I’s motives varied from altruism to opportunism, but it is common belief that Olivier I coveted the imperial throne for himself. Whatever the case, Sigismund III disappointed his Savoyard ally; the Haeseni king was only prepared to marshal his troops in the defence of his realm or his allies, and refused to invade Oren. Olivier I, however, soon found a much more suitable ally. In 1848, as minor clashes continued to smoulder on the Orenian-Urguan border, a ship docked in the Savoyard capital of San Luciano. From this ship disembarked Philip Amadeus and Anastasya of Kozitz. Today, they are known as Philip III and Anastasia I, Holy Orenian Emperors and Empress. __________________ "General Othaman, Reporting from the eastern front. I am pleased to inform you that, so far, we have managed to retain our height advantage over the Dwarves." Extract from the report of an unknown ISA officer stationed in Eastfleet, c. 1848 __________________ The circumstances of Philip and Anastasya’s arrival in San Luciano are an enigma. The couple had been proclaimed dead in the imperial capital of Providence in 1836, shortly after their wedding. Sympathetic accounts chronicle that they ventured overseas to the land of ‘Ulyssa’, a story of which I am sceptical (as this land does not exist outside of stories associated with the pair), whereas other (and more fantastical) tales claim that they really had died and been reborn (either through divine intervention or dark magic, depending on the source), or that they had secretly followed Olivier I into exile and served the Savoyard court in disguise until now. My preferred legend is that they were visited by a wizard on their wedding, who promised to grant them great wit and cunning, in return for being transformed into frogs for ten years (with the frogs having been cared for by Prince Olivier I until the curse was lifted). In any case, it is largely accepted that - through whatever means - the pair were who they claimed to be, and from the moment they stepped foot in San Luciano, events transpired very quickly. In Providence, Emperor Philip II denounced the pair as impostors, and instead tried to redirect public attention to the impending battle against Urguan. While most Orenians by this point despised their incumbent Emperor, those who had not defected to Savoy were content to wait for Philip II to die and for his son, Philip of Adria, to ascend. While Philip of Adria lacked great presence on the international stage, he was held in relatively high esteem, though his sister Josephine Augusta was regarded as the true backbone that kept their father’s Empire from collapse. But Philip of Adria’s reign would never come. In 1849, he was proclaimed dead in Providence. Much like with Philip Aurelian, stories of his death vary (though not with the same contention). Emperor Philip II’s court declared that the imperial prince had been stricken with sudden heart failure, but most other sources agree he had been assassinated by a courtesan in the service of Olivier I, Philip Aurelian (Philip of Adria’s own son), and Anastasya of Kositz. Not only did Philip of Adria’s death rob Oren of a future, but it signalled a very clear intent from the Savoyard camp that the time had come to make their move. That move was made later in 1849, when, in the palace of San Luciano, Philip Aurelian declared himself Holy Orenian Empire, vowing to cast down his decrepit grandfather and restore Oren to its previous lustre. __________________ "The most frustrating part of this tragic chapter of Imperial History is, without doubt, trying to navigate so many different ‘Philip’s’." Extract from the memoirs of Eirik Baruch, Lord Palatine of Haense, c. 1865. __________________ The proclamation from San Luciano swept the continent like a gale. In the Kingdom of Haense, the court of King Sigismund III watched uneasily. Although allied to the Savoyards, Philip Aurelian’s declaration had been couched in the language of ‘restoring Oren’ and ‘uniting mankind’, which planted the seed of suspicion in the minds of the Haeseni that this imperial claimant may be no friend to them. In the same vein, Grand King Ulfric of Urguan received puzzling reports of Orenian border garrisons in Eastfleet simply being abandoned. Meanwhile, the court of Emperor Philip II cracked like an egg. In Philip Aurelian, many Orenians saw a worthy Emperor, one who could reverse the stagnancy that had slowly sapped Oren since the deaths of Joseph II and Anne I. Throughout the late-summer of 1849, nobles, soldiers, and commoners alike flocked to San Luciano in droves to pledge their fealty to this new Emperor. The minority of ISA soldiers who did not defect were withdrawn to Providence, only to find that Emperor Philip II had completely vanished in the wake of his grandson’s declaration. While there is no ‘official’ cause of death for Philip II, it is easy to accede to the belief that he was unceremoniously slain by someone in his court to allow Josephine Augusta to take the throne as Empress. But there was to be no Empress Josephine. Later in 1849, Philip Aurelian departed San Luciano with a massive army - which was a patchwork mob of soldiers, courtiers, and commoners - and marched on Providence. Josephine Augusta sought aide from whoever might give it, but there was none forthcoming; it is even said that she offered the imperial crown to King Sigismund III of Haense, though he refused to become embroiled in imperial affairs. Although a small garrison of soldiers under Generals Erik Othaman and Viktor var Ruthern remained in Providence to support Josephine, the Princess ultimately decided defence of the city was a lost cause, and she fled. So it was that in the early days of autumn of 1849, General Erik Othaman opened the city gates. Uncontested, Philip Aurelian marched through the streets, and sat upon the imperial throne. __________________ "I have seen my share of armies. Demons in the south, Nordlings in the north. But not in sixty years had I seen an army like the one that marched on Providence that day. Actual soldiers were the minority among thousands of burghers, yeomen, courtiers, and peasants. They were no soldiers, and yet it was the most terrifying army I had ever seen." Extract from the account of Ensign Victor Hallen, ISA Providence Garrison, c. 1849 Following their Aster Revolution, Philip Aurelian and Anastasya of Kositz were crowned as Emperor Philip III and Anastasia I, Holy Orenian Emperors, in 1849*. The decades-long decline of the Holy Orenian Empire had been reversed practically overnight. Emperor Philip II had been both incapable and detested, alienating talented knights and courtiers away from Oren and into the courts of their rivals of Haense, Urguan, and (until the Aster Revolution) Savoy. Philip III seemed to be everything his grandfather was not: ambitious, capable, and someone who could unite all of Oren’s squabbling Houses and factions under his banner. He was, by all accounts, the saviour of Oren. Not everyone, however, wanted Oren to be saved. Since the Edict of Separation in 1786, the Kingdom of Haense had laboured to slowly eclipse Oren. Over the reigns of King Josef I, King Henrik II, and now King Sigismund III, it had built a flourishing kingdom with a strong army in its Brotherhood of Saint Karl and a powerful network of allies. While Orenian envoys had assured King Sigismund III that Philip III and Anastasia I bore him no ill will, the Haeseni struggled to dismiss the prominent rhetoric of a ‘united Humanity’ that Philip III had touted in Savoy. As for Savoy, Prince Olivier I had been instrumental in the Aster Revolution (and some even regard him as the orchestrator of it). Upon Philip III’s ascent, Olivier I abruptly swore the Principality of Savoy to him as a vassal, before immediately abdicating (in favour of his son, Olivier Laurene) to serve Philip III and Anastasia I as an advisor (taking his non-regnal name of Olivier Renault once more). The move came as an apparent surprise to the rest of Savoy, who, while steadfast supporters of the Aster Revolution, had seemingly not anticipated actually joining under Oren. For years after, it was unclear whether Savoy remained Oren’s vassal, or ally. It would prove unimportant, however. Very soon, Humanity faced more pressing concerns. __________________ *Anastasia I was not elevated to the title of Empress-Regnant until Philip III issued the Edict of Kositz in 1853, upon which date Anastasia I became the second Empress-Regnant (following Anne I). There has been no subsequent Empress in Human history to date. __________________ The Dwarves of Urguan found themselves in the most uncomfortable straits of all in the wake of the Aster Revolution. Grand King Ulfric Frostbeard had been eager to test his mettle against Emperor Philip II, but he was not so keen to provoke the considerably-stronger Philip III and Anastasia I. Grand King Ulfric declared a Dwarven ‘victory’ in his campaign (and very precisely attempted to characterise it as a feud against Philip II, and not against Philip III and Anastasia I) before withdrawing his troops back to Urguan. Alas, this gambit fared poorly. While the reborn Oren was awash with celebrations, Philip III and Anastasia I had their work cut out for them, as most Orenian institutions - most especially their military - had to be reformed from the ground up. What they did possess in abundance, however, was momentum and morale, both of which would be wasted if they quietly tended to statecraft. Perhaps in a bid to stoke imperial patriotism while these institutions were reforged, or perhaps out of sheer adrenaline, Philip III and Anastasia I resolved to capitalize on that momentum. In late 1849, they released a formal declaration that they would not let the Dwarves of Urguan claim any kind of victory over Oren, irrespective of which Emperor they had fought. Philip III and Anastasia I’s issues were not just limited to the Eastfleet incursions, however, and they also called on Urguan to release all its Human vassals (many of which were Orenian exiles) and pay a huge sum in reparations. If they refused, then Philip III and Anastasia I vowed to attack Urguan with their full strength. Were it not for this brazen move, it is entirely possible that the Holy Orenian Empire might still be alive today, ruled by Philip III and Anastasia I’s descendants. __________________ “It is the core of the Urguanite character, treacherous as you are, to declare victory in the face of an invasion that you have aborted. Lofty rhetoric of Dwarven honour and implacable valour gives way to the natural allure of preying on the lame calf straying from the herd.” Emperor Philip III, ‘Excoriation of the Urguanites’, c. 1849 __________________ A cold war of sorts followed. While Grand King Ulfric was quick to reject the Orenian demands, and both sides began to muster their armies, no one was keen to actually march, and that was owed to the Kingdom of Haense. While King Sigismund III had a defensive alliance with the Dwarves of Urguan, no one in Philip III and Anastasia I’s court had actually expected him to honour it - not only were the Dwarves pagans and historical enemies of Humanity, but Haense had a chequered history of abandoning its allies in the past (most notably in the War of the Two Emperors and the Burning of Ves). The question that weighed on the Haeseni was whether Philip III and Anastasia I could be trusted; if it turned out that their rhetoric of ‘united Humanity’ held any truth in their hearts, then Haense could not afford to abandon Urguan, less it be left defenceless if Oren decided to subjugate Haense in future. Some diplomacy followed over 1849, but the course of history would be determined down south, in Savoy. In 1850, Olivier Laurene de Savoie was coronated as Prince Olivier II of Savoy in San Luciano. He was crowned by High Pontiff Everard VI of the Canonist Church, which had taken a passive role in events to date. Everard VI was cast in the role as a disinterested father overseeing squabbling children, though he had fomented a powerful enemy in the form of Olivier Renault, with whom he had rebuked for raiding the pagan settlements of Yong Ping and Rozania, which Everard VI had been attempting to convert to Canonism. While he had crowned Philip III and Anastasia I following the Aster Revolution, they were also distrustful of him - they regarded Everard VI as having been a sympathiser to Emperor Philip II (a view for which I can find little evidence), and was Haeseni by birth. Aside from the Pontiff himself, Philip III also considered the Canonist Church as an archaic institution in desperate need of reform. It was these sentiments that led to the Michaelite Schism. During the coronation of Olivier II, Bishop Christoff of San Luciano stood up and denounced Everard VI. Bishop Christoff claimed the title of Pontiff for himself - taking the name Michael I - and was immediately supported by Prince Olivier II and Emperor Philip III. __________________ "All government employees are hereby directed to attend mandatory confession to request penance in this matter, and I accept full responsibility for believing this deception as the government’s Archchancellor. Any statement from the Crown in this matter was informed by lies." Orenian Archancellor Minuvas Melphestaus, apologising for the Michaelite Schism, c. 1851 __________________ The Michaelite Schism was, however, an utter disaster. It quickly became apparent how poorly planned this Schism was. After a frenzied parishioner brandished a weapon at Everard VI moments after the denouncement, the Haeseni delegation in attendance (under the orders of Lord Palatine Eirik Baruch) extracted Everard VI to Haense, where King Sigismund III called an emergency sitting of his court, who raucously declared Everard VI to be the true High Pontiff. In turn, Everard VI excommunicated the instigators of the Schism (Michael I, Olivier Renault, Olivier II, Philip III, Anastasia I, and many of their council), and named Sigismund III as ‘Fidei Defensor’, or Defender of the Faith, which was a title normally held by the Orenian Emperor. The Michaelite Schism found little purchase even in Savoy and Oren. Most of the Church’s clergy disparaged Michael I (for he had elected himself contrary to ecumenical law) and, under heavy internal pressure from their own subjects, both Olivier II, Philip III, and Anastasia I later renounced their efforts, disavowed Michael I (who promptly disappeared), and reaffirmed Everard VI as High Pontiff. The move came as a significant blow to the prestige they had been building as Oren’s saviours, and severely soured public opinion (most notably Haeseni, who were still debating whether or not to aid the Dwarves if Oren attacked). Oren’s religious woes were not yet over, however. As punishment, Emperor Philip III and Anastasia I agreed to undergo a ‘walk of penance’, whereby they dressed in rags and walked barefoot from Providence to the Basilica of Saint Henrik in Karosgrad (Olivier II later performed a similar penance). Everard VI lifted their excommunications, but only for a matter of weeks. A Savoyard interloper (believed by some to be a turncoat of Savoyard Royal House) furnished an old letter to Pontiff Everard VI, purported to have been written by Anastasia I. This fabled letter contained instructions for a hired Dragonkin to slay Philip of Adria, the act which had cleared Philip III’s succession to the imperial throne right before the Aster Revolution. __________________ "Your Holiness, Please, hear my plea, for the Orenian people cannot languish under interdict eternally. It is known that there is a duty to expunge the Anathema, but, in doing so, you force our hand to great bloodshed on behalf of Haeseni and Dwarven conspirators. I pray you do not make it so." Petition by Deacon Brenimar of Sunholdt to High Pontiff Everard VI, c. 1851 __________________ This letter was enormously controversial. It was long believed by most on the continent (Oren included) that Philip III had ordered the death of his father to facilitate the Aster Revolution, but, with ‘hard proof’ in hand, High Pontiff Everard VI excommunicated Philip III and Anastasia I for the second time (which is, by all accounts, a record). Whether this letter was authentic or not is, however, hotly disputed. Some surviving records of the Haeseni archive, plundered after Haense fell in the War of the Crozier, appear to suggest that the letter had indeed been fabricated by conspirators. In any case, the importance of the letter is overstated: as I have opined, most people already knew Philip III to be guilty of patricide. The second excommunication did not fare as well as the first. It could be said that Everard VI and Sigismund III of Haense might have hoped this would spur the Orenian people to simply overthrow Philip III and Anastasia I, but it had the opposite effect. Most Orenians became suspicious of the Church’s motives and the timing of the letter’s production, especially since the excommunication effectively left the entire Orenian population as collateral to their monarch’s excommunication. Instead of turning the Orenian subjects against them, it stoked support for Philip III and Anastasia I. New religious movements arose in Oren, variously decrying Everard VI, though no official second schism followed. By 1851, the die had been cast for the looming war. Some minor raids had already been fought between Urguan and Oren, but now, following the double-excommunication, Haense’s role in the upcoming conflict was sealed - for better or worse. In 1851, the formation of the Tripartite Accord was declared: an alliance composed of the Kingdom of Haense, Dwarves of Urguan, Kingdom of Norland, the Ferrymen Band. They did not wait for Oren’s armies to cross the border into Urguan first. In 1852, the Tripartite army of 15,000 marched into the Holy Orenian Empire. The Sinners’ War had begun. __________________ "My lords Ailred and Johann, It is as we discussed. The time for waiting has passed. Let us go and see if we are villain or hero." Recovered missive, believed to by King Sigismund III, to Field Marshal Ailred var Ruthern and Lord Marshal Johann Barclay, c. 1852 This concludes Interregnum: Volume I. Volume II shall chronicle the events of the Sinners’ War, the bloodiest conflict to plague Descendantkind since the War of the Two Emperors some 130 years earlier, and marks Humanity’s descent into the chaos of the Great Interregnum.

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