bickando

A Full and Faithful Account of those Recent Events of Whitespire Recalled by Amelya van Aert, Maid of Honour to the Queen-Mother 12 ARR "The Battle that Never Was" To those interested in the truth of the last month's events in Whitespire, My name is Amelya van Aert - I am a daughter of Middelan, of the first Captain-General of Veletz, Johanes. This year marked my fourteenth nameday, my third in the Clementine Court, and my second personally attending the Queen-Mother of Aaun. As a witness to the entirety of the day’s events, I have been requested to recount what occurred, without omission or deception. The day began as it nearly always does; the preparation of Her Majesty the Queen-Mother for the morning meal, prepared by the royal household’s chefs. For this one it was puffy lemon pasties and tea. The pasty size has declined since I first arrived. I was told the changing of the Chamberlain meant they couldn’t replace any servants for a while. I think maybe they're getting poorer. Veletz never has that problem. Mostly because Aunt Saskia forces me to help make my own meals so I can always choose how much I get. I like Aaunish food more. Don’t tell her I said that. The event of the day was to be a meeting of the Council of Alba, but before that a Privy Council meeting. As the Queen-Mother servesd on the Regency, she left me to my own devices while she went upstairs to the council chambers. I went to play in the throne room. Frankly the ladies here are a little boring. Not as boring as my sister. She’s horrible. But not as fun as Auntie Willie. The throne room has more banners, though, and it’s fun to think about all those other places. Anyways, I was sitting in the throne room when Uncle Gaspard and the rest of the family showed up. I thought they were here to visit me, but then one of the Aaunish people came to get them and I was brought along. I hate how many stairs Whitespire has, but it looks very nice from outside. That’s ironic because nobody inside of it ever sees what it looks like from outside. We went upstairs, and then they accused the Queen-Mother of meeting with the Haeseni without telling anyone! Haense, you see, is very bad. Aunt Saskia told me so. Even my mamej is evil, she said. Because of that, it’s not good to meet with Haense without telling everyone else, or they’ll think you might be evil too. But apparently Aaun doesn't think they're as bad as we think they are. So they put her under house arrest and removed her from the Regency while they investigate what she actually did. I was allowed to keep attending to her, and they had two masked Aaunish guards take all of our things. I think they were called Mustaches, and related to the O-word. I’m not even allowed to write it anymore because of the Ferryboat Association, whoever they are. The man guard stole my firemaking tools, the painting my friend Philip in Petra gave me, and a whole bunch of my papers and letters I was holding for the Queen-Mother. I was supposed to visit Philip in Petra but I forgot where Halcourt is. Anyways, while I was in the room with her, she wrote down a letter for me to give to her daughter. It told her to stay in Valdev, and warn someone called Merryweather. The Queen-Mother was crying while she wrote it. I thought maybe she would want a drink so I tried to go downstairs to get her tea. Then, the man tried to steal that letter too! I didn’t want to give it up, so I screamed, and Uncle Gaspard rescued me! Veletz really has the greatest chivalry in the world. Petra used to know about chivalry, but then my friend made a list, and Petra only had one boring old knight! And I heard that one knight was a traitor or something too! Anyways, I gave Uncle Gaspard the letter, and he read it, showed it to the man that brought us up earlier, then gave it back to me. Then the man mentioned something about his wife. If his wife was the Princess of Merryweather, she was the one the letter told to run away. I think marriage is a joke. The Queen of the Petra married a bad man and had to kill him to be happy! Or something like that. I forget the moral of that story, but I think it has to do with men being evil. Or maybe it's that women are evil. I'll have to ask Aunt Saskia to remind me. Anyways, they put out an arrest warrant, and there were a few questions about where they were allowed to be arrested. King Edmund said only in our lands, or maybe only in neutral lands. He had to be pretty specific because somebody mentioned a bag. I remember this because I was trying to find the Mustache guy so I could get my letters back, but the sheriff wouldn't let me back up into the Queen-Mother's room, so I had to listen to the king's speech instead. Then they sent everyone home. Uncle Gaspard took me back to Veletz and said I wouldn’t be sent back to Aaun, because “Palace women are vipers”. He didn’t actually say that, Aunt Saskia said that while she was scolding me, but I thought it was important to include that. We got back to the castle, and Uncle Gaspard went to get food from the kitchens. He likes penny loaves and whiskey and boar, because he calls them “real food”. I don’t really get the difference, but as we were walking up to the castle I saw a few riders go the other way. Maybe a day later one came back and called for a rally because of the Haense army! So Uncle Gaspard called up the Legion of Burgundy and everyone got ready. Even the Mustache guys showed up, but they wouldn’t return my stuff. They said they kept it “for investigating” or something. I know they lied because they just wanted to keep it. We thought maybe there would be a field battle. But then Haense never showed up. Boring. I am addressing this letter especially to; The court of Aaun, who for the most part was not present, My father, Johanes, so that when he gets back from his boat trip he doesn't punish me, @Nectorist The nameless masked Mustachion who still has my things, My Uncle Gaspard, to please let me go back to Aaun once in a while, @M1919 Aunt Saskia, who should be lecturing Snoresmee, not me, @JoanOfArc King Edmund, my friend who helped me raise money for a clock when nobody else would, @Caranthir_ Snoresmee, whom I so despise, and who owes me so much, @Levicourpos Grandpapej, to explain why I stole the rowboat back to the mainland (sorry), @Dymase Mother Oksana, who has been so kind to me in the convent, but from whom I must now beg release, @milkyi and the High Pontiff, so that he can rightly know any blame in this very dire situation, and perhaps so that he might tell Mother Oksana to let me go home now. @Nolan_ GOD Preserve, Amelya van Aert P.S. - Mamej, if you're reading this, please let me out of the convent. Mother Oksana keeps talking to me in Raevir.

Tiuthwyn smiles upon reading of the Visaj Talonnii's histories.

tiuthwyn prepares to board the nevaehlen-iv class blockade runner and retrieve the important death tower documents

One-eyed Amelya is glad to be able to visit freely Aaun and train with (pummel) @ncarr .

"noice" cummilingus potte smiled showing off his crooked, gap-tooth mouth.

A Topic for Debate; Are there various levels of Purity? BLESSED CITIZENS; We are all agreed that there are, at the least, three levels of purity; those that cannot be pure, the Valah, Uruk, Bortu, our cousins in the 'ame and 'ker and all their mixed oem'ii; those that can be pure, but are not, as is the case of the mali'ata and maliata'fenn; and our general populace, the mali'thill. Yet, at the same time, we acknowledge the existence of a Most Blessed even among the 'aheralan; the Maheral, who at any given time exists on a rung of this ladder above the common 'thill of elcihi. We acknowledge too the existence of our Malauriran, those that were Maheral in the past and have since given the role to the more active youth - and by their ability to elect a Maheral where it is not passed down by sole decision, we acknowledge their still-elevated position on this 'ladder of purity'. My question, then, lliran, is this - Are there other levels to this ladder among the general mali'thill of elcihi? Would we, for example, consider the Okariran for their dedication to our motherland, to our progress and our health, as more pure than the rest? Would those of elcihi that have left the sanctity of our walls, and are instead cloistered in research alone in the wilds, be more or less pure than a current resident? Would the Okarir'hiylun, when one exists, be above even the others? And would then the Sohaer, who toils diligently even beyond that, not be more pure than them all by this same metric of acknowledgement of value and work, of dedication to our mutual progression? If so, what might we consider each 'rung' of this more specific ladder, each level of this pyramid? It is my personal opinion that there are these varying levels, and that in fact by being Sohaer, or Okariran, they are at the very least temporarily "more pure" than the average citizen, for their mind is active in the general affairs of our State and thusly more in tune with the ideals of progress and health; however, it has been a century since I have been Okarir'maehr, and of course opinions on these matters tend to change with time. Should any like to respond, please do leave a note attached to this; I will reply in kind. maehr'sae hiylun'ehya, Tiuthwyn Visaj [!] This is posted to the general notice board of Tahn'miar, where any might reply. [!]

Real Paul breaks the fourth wall. i wrote this lal, get fked and historically revised on kid

Zerlina Morovar happily stamps the house's coat of arms at the bottom of each release.

Ehrhaurulniy Almanach de Morovar I Morovar The Morovar Almanac D l u m v e E h r 472 ES 1919 IS | 123 SA J e r o v i t z a g K o r t r e v i c h NOD MOROVAR LEKONSKIR-BODR Karosgrad, Kusospeg nᵒ. 4 erar Zerlina Morovar TABLE RULE LAND CENSUS WEATHER HOUSEHOLD FIGURES OF NOTE GENEALOGIE ARMORIAL DEDICATION CIRCUMSTANCES OF RULE Jerovitz has been the primary holding of House Kortrevich [alt. Haes Kortrevich var Korstadt] since 378 E.S., granted by the crown to Jan Otto in VE HERZENZ EDYKT I 378 ES. Celebrating in 6 years its 100th anniversary of rule over the region, the house is well-entrenched in the eastern reaches of the Kingdom. Originally a house famed for its martial ability, Kortrevich has for the past three generations been better known for statesmen and scholars. Of living memory, however, its fairer members are its primary contributors. Its previous patriarch, Matviy Artem, served as is tradition in the forty-fourth Royal Duma but is known for little else. Its current matriarch, Ileana Stefaniya, has recently come of age and taken to direct control of the region from regency. As of the publication of this article, only two other members of the house are to be committed to memory; HE Viorica Irena, who has since 459 E.S. served as Grand Lady, and Lord Fabian Otto, manager of the family post Ve Kortrevich Samyzek Pozska [Comm. The Kortrevich Bull Post]. LAND AND PEOPLES Jerovitz is surrounded by a sparse evergreen forest, although in its immediate presence trees sprouted originally from imported Norlandic Vatragandrvogg are far more prominent. The keep rests at the apex of a tall hill, with seven outer towers and two sub-towers, three of which were crowned by onion domes and the rest in the rural style, as well as four flat turrets. Battlements ring three-quarters of the keep, two-layered when facing the south and east, though those on the south are far more prominent and on the east more stout by comparison. Flower-stands could be seen upon the second layer; the author must therefore presume the second layer to be largely decorational and to show the house’s wealth rather than for defensive purposes. The flat turrets seem also to have been converted to recreational use; an arbor filled the widest one. The black-and-red banners of Kortrevich hang from its walls, though those of the kingdom did not appear to fly above its onion-domes. Over-all it has the appearance of a military fortification that has been civilianized, reflecting the reputation of its occupants. A small village sits on the outskirts of the castle. It consists of the 450’s style of architecture, and has a windmill for the grain and potatoes that make up the majority of its yearly harvests. Strangely, no path leads to the mill. Twin statues mark the village’s entrance. Yearly tithes of seven sticks of eel and twenty bushels support its chapel. Nearly the entirety of the populace is Haeseni. No other noteworthy settlements exist in the county’s territories. When taking the highway from Karosgrad into the Attenlund, the overgrown remnants of a thatched-roof hut serve as the signal to turn left off the main road. Likewise, from the county the highway leading south-southwest leads eventually to Karosgrad, whilst the road east drives to the footpaths into the Staalmarch and the northern wastes. CENSUS DENEHR Form. Ehr | Jerovitzko Osobaz 472 ES | 407 471 ES | 464 470 ES | 459 469 ES | 506 468 ES | 480 467 ES | 576 466 ES | 560 465 ES | 558 464 ES | 545 463 ES | 531 462 ES | 530 WEATHER Unusually early spring seen in 468 ES. Few other weather patterns of note. For the coming year 473, late blooms and long autumn expected. Late but heavy winter. Grains, vine-plants and gourds recommended. HOUSEHOLD Form. Jeazik Maan, Herzenlund Gencikmaan va Papej ag Mamej Wszyr Comm. Primary TRH Ileana, VI. Komitas i Jerovitz, VIII. Vikomitas i Krusev, X. Bossiras Koravia b. 453 vas Matviy, V. Komit i Jerovitz ag Viorica vas Ruthern HE Viorica Irena vas Ruthern, XXII Haucherzenas b. 425 vas Mikhail, VIII. Herzen i Vidaus ag Sorina vas Lukavar LADY Fenika Ophelia b. 453 vas Matviy, V. Komit i Jerovitz ag Viorica vas Ruthern LORD Fabian Otto b. 453 var Matviy, V. Komit i Jerovitz ag Viorica vas Ruthern LORD Virgil Samuil b. 455 var Matviy, V. Komit i Jerovitz ag Viorica vas Ruthern LORD Sergei Nikolai b. 455 var Matviy, V. Komit i Jerovitz ag Viorica vas Ruthern LADY Karlotta Josefina b. 457 vas Matviy, V. Komit i Jerovitz ag Viorica vas Ruthern Indere Comm. Auxiliary LADY Inessa Louise b. 424 vas Nikolai, IV. Komit i Jerovitz ag Esmée vas Oxensternia LADY Yankova b. 450 vas Ernst var Barclay ag Inessa Louise T.H. Aleksandr b. 451 var Ernst var Barclay ag Inessa Louise Mr. Borris Iver, VKML b. 405 var Lothar ag Juliya vas Ludovar Ms. Minerva Alexis b. 426 vas Borris Iver ag Eileen vas Baruch Mr. Hamish Markus b. 426 var Borris Iver ag Eileen vas Baruch Ms. Eirika Nikolette b. 428 vas Borris Iver ag Eileen vas Baruch OTHER FIGURES OF NOTE Form. Maan Gencikmaan va Maan Seno Comm. Historical Ser Rodrik Kortrevich Knight-Paramount of Haense. Remembered first as ‘the Loyal’, then as ‘the Turncloak’, betrayer of the Crown in the War of Two Emperors. Slew and was slain by Ser Nikolaus Kortrevich in a duel of honor. Ser Nikolaus Kortrevich Knight-Paramount of Haense. Remembered as ‘the Strong’. Slew and was slain by Ser Rodrik Kortrevich in a duel of honor. v. Primrose Kortrevich Dame of the Marian Retinue. Slain in battle in the Atheran continent. Venerated in Quartus Aurea Bulla Providentia for her sacrifice. GENEALOGIE HAES VIKOMITAS Form. Gencikmaanehr. Maan, Herzenlund 231. Otto, I. Bossir i Koravia 272. Markus, I. Margravir i Korstadt, II. Bossir i Koravia 295. Viktor, II. Margravir i Korstadt, I. Vikomit i Krusev, III. Bossir i Koravia 334. Rickard, II. Vikomit i Krusev, IV. Bossir i Koravia is. Emma of Jerovitz, Koenas i Edaleo ag Kusoraev* 351. Jan, I. Komit i Jerovitz, III. Vikomit i Krusev, V. Bossir i Koravia is. Vladrik, II. Komit i Jerovitz, IV. Vikomit i Krusev, VI. Bossir i Koravia is. Aldrik, III. Komit i Jerovitz, V. Vikomit i Krusev, VII. Bossir i Koravia 387. Nikolai, IV. Komit i Jerovitz, VI. Vikomit i Krusev, VIII. Bossir i Koravia is. Esfir of Jerovitz, Koenas i Edaleo ag Kusoraev* 421. Matviy, V. Komit i Jerovitz, VII. Vikomit i Krusev, IX. Bossir Koravia 453. Ileana, VI. Komitas i Jerovitz, VIII. Vikomitas i Krusev, X. Bossiras Koravia * = Consort ARMORIAL Form. Haes ludr Osoba Maano Khan i Junen Lekonsk Duyv i Junen Haes Kortrevich, Ovesyhag Party per bend sinister Rot and Arany, 1st a demi-bull rampant Denlichte; 2nd dres bends Denlichte. Ve Kortrevich Samyzek Pozska Rot, a bull’s head Denlichte. Haes Kortrevich var Koravia Rot, a dove Arany on a bull’s head Denlichte. Dedication Georg, druz ve Godano Laujisk, Koeng i Edaleo ag Kusoraev; Va Birodeo Herzenav ag Edlervik: PREVJA! Epia Zerlina Morovar, Lekonskas iv Karosgrad, jeazik aseretem; 1. That she is in possession of the right to print and sell the Ehrharulniy i Morovar [Morovar Almanac], fealty of which was first established under Franz Leopold, I. Bossir Ghaestenwald, and which has by will extended to his progeny; and which has persisted as a legal entity separate from the Barony of Ghaestenwald, willfully relinquished by TRH Wilhelm Otto 451ES; and which has after the requisitioning of the utensils and characters suitable for the printing of this almanac been reconstituted by parties holding all applicable allowances for the use of said name and properties. 2. That all other parties are for the period of thirty years beginning 472ES and ending 502ES prohibited from the printing or sale of any quality or condition whatsoever of the Morovar Almanac, and no more extract from its information, without the express written permission of the aforementioned Epia Zerlina Morovar and her associates, under penalty of prosecution by the full measure as described in the Haurul Caezk. 3. In the event that the association between Epia Zerlina Morovar and the shareholders of Morovar Lekonskir-Bodr should come to an end, either by the death of the former or the dissolution otherwise of the latter, or by any other cause, the business of the Morovar Almanac cannot be divided; that in such a case it be continued by their successors until the end of the present concession. 4. That this almanac has been created with the assent and its final contents approved by the Crown of Hanseti-Ruska, and that in its creation no information has been disclosed that may in their disclosure be described as treasonous or otherwise destabilizing as written in the Haurul Caezk; and that similar almanacs may and indeed shall be created for the other feudatories of the Kingdom in a similar vein and similarly predisclosed to the Crown. Kimmitsk Karosgrad, iv Morrivi Prikaz, 3rd Tov ag Yermey 472 ES. Morovar Lekonskir-Bodr i Komynem @gusano Mr. Aleksandr Kortrevich, PREVJA! Epia Zerlina Morovar would like to convey her utmost gratitude for the services you rendered during her time in Jerovitz and would like to formally invite you to luncheon on behalf of Morovar Lekonskir-Bodr. For any further requests for land surveys and almanacs, or otherwise literary pursuits, you may find our offices at Kusospeg nᵒ. 4 in Karosgrad. Morovar Lekonskir-Bodr i Komynem @Silurian “Privesk statry Sangkruv”

"deserved" says paul salvian of the petra from the seven skies

The first Archduke, Paul Salvian of the Petra, smiles from high heaven knowing the culinary knowledge of Petra - and, especially, his favorite dish Paulanier - is secured in the writings of Luis Martin.

BURNING THE CANDLE FROM BOTH ENDS or; THE EDICT OF 1893 On the 9th of Sun’s Smile, 1893. . . By the UNITY OF MIND of the GOVERNMENT in PETRA, serving always CHIVALRY, LIBERTY and JUSTICE, we the PEOPLE do present these REFORMS to OUR COMMONWEALTH, delivered at MOUNT GARMONT CONCERNING BETTERMENT to the instated systems of the COMMONWEALTH. TABLE OF CONTENTS; I. PREAMBLE II. THE POWERS THAT BE III. SUCCESSION IV. THE ROUND TABLE V. ELECTION VI. ON KNIGHTHOOD AND NOBILITY I. PREAMBLE The Commonwealth is founded upon the eternal mission to create and preserve liberty for its citizenry. Our motto is simple: chivalry, liberty, fraternity. In pursuing these noble goals, we evolve and change our systems to find the best arrangement. Above all, we are a Republic. We have shaped and evolved our systems across a few eras, but have found that our people are confused about this fact - especially considering our recent lack of elections. Therefore, we do find it fit to once again and this time finally reform our government. Further, our nobility remains vestigial, but nevertheless critical. With that being said, they play a critical role as arbiters of justice, in a way ensuring the good and wholesome conduct of government. Accordingly we do evolve our systems of nobility as well. Namely, we do lift our Regent to a more obvious title of esteemed, enlightened authority, that our citizenry and allies may clearly understand our systems of government more. Finally, we empower our new constitutional monarch to help lead our nation in a duality with the elected Prime Minister. II. THE POWERS THAT BE The greatest recognition of Our State is thus; that the Regent of Our Commonwealth is not sufficiently empowered to conduct their duties as previously laid out. The Grandmaster and the Chancellor before him have been able to claim for themselves unlimited power without true checks, to the point of postponement and eventual stopping of all elections. Knowing the proclivity for the collapse of all such institutions in the face of demagogues given such powers, We have decided to end said Regency. Knowing our ruler to be the enlightened protector of democracy and chivalry, and knowing Our State’s place among the powers of this continent; we do so create the Archduchy of the Petra, which shall be established as the ruler of Our Commonwealth; greater than any Duke that previously or in future may reign, but not claiming for themselves the mantle of King. In light of this, the Knights of the Round do grant this title to Paul Salvian of the House Novellen of Temesch and Moere, Regent of the Commonwealth - he shall be the first of his name to reign over Our Sovereignty, as Archduke Paul Salvian of the Commonwealth of the Petra. It shall be his prerogative and duty to call for the election of the Commonwealth’s Prime Minister (who shall also be the Grandmaster) every four years at maximum; and, upon the completion of voting, to count said votes, thus deciding the new Prime Minister via election. The Archduke then may invite the Prime Minister-Elect to form a government in His name. If the Archduke declines said elected Prime Minister, he may then call for a re-election in which that knight shall no longer be able to run. In keeping with our chivalric traditions, only sworn knights of the Sovereign Order of the Petrine Laurel shall be able to run for Prime Minister, or for the position of Knight-Paramount. III. SUCCESSION SUBSECTION I: The succession of the title Archduke of the Commonwealth of the Petra, henceforth referred to as the Archduke, shall be subject to an official Line of Succession. To be eligible for succession, the following three requirements must be met; One must be of the blood of Paul Salvian of the House of the Petra. One must carry his family name and similarly be considered of the House of the Petra. One must be a sworn knight of the Sovereign Order of the Petrine Laurel. SUBSECTION II: Furthermore, the Line of Succession shall be determined by the reigning Archduke or Archduchess from among the suitable candidates, and does not necessarily include all those that fill the above requirements. One may be entered into the Line of Succession as a squire or ward as well; but to inherit, they must be so recognized as a Ser or Dame. At the time of the promulgation of this missive, the Line of Succession is as follows; Renilde Helena, firstborn daughter and first child of Paul Salvian, squire of Ser Thomas of Balamena Alexander Salvian, first son and fourth child of Paul Salvian, ward of the Countess Mardon IV. THE ROUND TABLE The government to be formed by the Grandmaster is to include at minimum a Knight-Paramount, a Treasurer, a Marshal, a Privy Seal, and a Magistrate. Given the recent issues in requiring knighthood to enter into the Knights of the Round and the Senate before it, We have agreed that the requirement of knighthood shall be reduced to certain positions within Our new Round Table. Of these aforementioned positions, it is mandatory that the Prime Minister and Knight-Paramount are sworn members of the Sovereign Order of the Petrine Laurel. In order to uphold peaceable transitions between government, we also decree that it is not necessarily mandatory that the Knight-Paramount be elected by the people or their peers, instead being chosen by Our declaration. V. ELECTION At the apex of importance to our Commonwealth is the will of the citizenry. Herewith, we instate these ameliorations to our elections and appointments. SUBSECTION I: Following this edict until the terms are otherwise dissolved, or reformed once more, elections shall occur on a basis of every four years or less, declared and administered by the reigning Archduke. Although the participants of our government have no requirement of knight or damehood, a candidate for the role of Prime Minister and Knight-Paramount must already be a knight or dame, held by no shackles of term limits lest they be dissolved and removed by His Grace the Archduke. Elections shall go on for three Saints Days in order to ensure that the citizenry is wholly able to vote. The next shall begin this very year. VI. ON KNIGHTHOOD AND NOBILITY Although we stand with pride for our haven for the chivalrous, the validity of manifold members of the Petrine Order is to be questioned. Many have received ceremonies without so much as lifting a digit to uphold the values we swear by: facing no trials or tribulations. On this account, all knighthoods shall be reconsidered and evaluated in the next year by Ser Thomas of Balamena, the Knight Paramount. A full list shall be released in the future, detailing those which remain in the circles of the Petrine Order and honoring their just chivalry and actions. The nobility of the Old Régime, unshackled thanks to the above reforms, may now enter into wardship, squireship, and after that knighthood; additionally, they shall be guaranteed hereditary estates within Our lands, to be modeled as a castle, fortification, or fortified home otherwise with enough houses or huts beside for three small banner families. Knighting ceremonies shall continue to be the duty of the Old Régime, as well as the protection of their lands in the name of the Commonwealth and the Sovereign Order of the Petrine Laurel. Petra, Flowing Water! Ave! Ave! O SAINTE RÈGNE PETRÉRE HIS GRACE, Paul Salvian of the Petra Archduke of the Petra, Count of Temesch and Moere HIS EXCELLENCY, Ser Bernard of Brasca Grandmaster of the Commonwealth of the Petra HER EXCELLENCY, Dame Irene ‘Dragonsbane’ of Mardon Vicemaster of the Commonwealth of the Petra Ser Thomas of Balamena Knight-Paramount of the Commonwealth of the Petra Ser Cliement-Tielo of Artois Treasurer of the Commonwealth of the Petra Dame Catherine 'The Phoenix' of Furnestock Privy Seal of the Commonwealth of the Petra Ser Pavel ‘the Unspoken’ of Ivanovich Marshal of the Commonwealth of the Petra Ser Charles of Temesch Procurator of the Commonwealth of the Petra

Paul Salvian smiles as he signs the treaty!

A Layman’s Handbook to Noufeille Petra Formatted for Ease of Use Third Edition Written by Stefan de Arany-Bocsa Originally an evolution of the greater Auvergnat-Savoyard language group (combined, perhaps, with devolved elements of Church Flexio, and originally itself an evolution of Auvergnat), hundreds of years of linguistic shift towards Common have left the now-called Noufeille Petra language a unique combination of the two, if somewhat flawed in its lack of an established lexicon. The following handbook, commissioned by Paul Temesch et Moere, is intended to assist in the proliferation of virtuous language and influence while reducing linguistic Auvergnat-Revivalist tendencies in the modern era’s peoples. SECTION ONE Common Words SECTION TWO Common Phrases SECTION THREE Ranks & Jobs COMMON WORDS Greetings Hello - Freyde Goodbye - Freydes’Sol! - lit. Tomorrow’s Greetings! Thank you - Myrcei! You’re Welcome - Tu Nol! - lit. To Nothing My Name is - Moine nomen [Name] Responses Yes - Oui Maybe (probably yes) - Mey’oui Maybe (probably no) - Mey’nol No/Nothing/None - Nol |example: Nol more food Subjects I/Me - Iyl | example: Iyl have a headache My - Moine | example: Moine child You - Jir | example: Jir are stupid Your(s) - Jirs | example: Jirs to take She/Her - Strey | example: Strey is a Weiylle Her’s - Streys | example: Streys dozen basket of eggs He/Him - Strist | example: Strist got sad from reading the book His - Strists | example: Strists problem Food Bread - Bis Meat - Char Wine - Vin COMMON PHRASES Simple Phrase “Ducy nol Geyse” | You’re Wrong/They’re not the same/We’re not on the same page - literal ‘Geese are not Ducks’ “Tun Ofer?” | Is it ready yet?/Are we done here?/Hurry Up! - literal ‘Is the Cask Open?’ “Comment Jirs Atirfeur?” How is your day? “To Jir Matrère, Weiylleu mie.” To your mother, whales are small. PATRIOTIC PHRASE “O SAINTE RÈGNE PETRÉRE/O Sainte Règne Petrére!” - A call for heavenly intervention - literal ‘Oh Saint of the Fatherland!’, in reference to Saint Emma, patron saint of the Commonwealth RANK/JOB Commoner Job Bartender/Tavernkeep - Bracinist Soldier/Levyman - Garde Farmer - Ferist Merchant - Golist Military Rank Archer - Bérsyrist Swordsman - Brocherist Marshal - Maresc Noble Rank Sir - Ser Dame - Dame Nobleman - Burse Noblewoman - Burde Ruler - Règnist

THE DRAGONPACT 18th S.E. 1892 IC WE the representatives by right of GOD and Man of the Kingdom of Aaun and the Commonwealth of the Petra, do hereby agree; ARTICLE I: ON SOVEREIGNTY The Commonwealth of the Petra and the Kingdom of Aaun, also referred to as “the signatories” hereby pledge to mutually recognize each other's status as fully autonomous states. Both signatories recognize each other's right to fully rule and govern their territories as they see fit and shall not interfere with each other's internal affairs. This is inclusive of recognition of the heads of state; as of the signing of this treaty, the sovereign of the Commonwealth is defined as Paul Salvian of the House Temesch et Moere, and the sovereign of the Kingdom is defined as Charles I of the House of Alstion. ARTICLE II: ON MUTUAL DEFENSE I. The signatories hereby pledge to assist each other in matters of national defense; an attack on either party by a third party shall be considered an attack against both. II. Any disputes between the two shall first be resolved through peaceful means and dialogue by way of official channels. III. That whenever the territorial integrity of either nation is threatened in any way, shape, or form, the two shall come together to discuss preemptive measures. IV. That neither signatory shall aggress upon the other in any way. ARTICLE III: TRADE I. That those merchants affiliated with the Commonwealth of the Petra be allowed free and ready access to cross the border into the Kingdom whilst trading their wares without undue taxes or harassment. II. That those merchants affiliated with the Kingdom of Aaun be allowed free and ready access to cross the border into the Commonwealth whilst trading their wares without undue taxes or harassment. ARTICLE IV: DIPLOMATIC TIES To ensure free and open communications are maintained between the signatories, embassies shall be made available in each of their capitals. Diplomats are guaranteed safety and immunity from persecution, to be tried according to the laws of their respective homelands. Should any diplomat cause issue or violate the laws of the other signatory, they are to be immediately extradited and face trial as though such crimes were committed in their own. ARTICLE V: DURATION The signatories mutually agree that this pact shall be in effect for twelve years, or until the death of the first sovereign between the two signatories; when this occurs, the signatories shall then immediately meet to decide upon renewal of the pact. One year from the natural expiration of this pact (eleven years from its signing), the signatories agree to meet to decide upon the renewal of the pact. ARTICLE VI: RECOGNITION OF BLOOD The signatories mutually agree to allow marriage between their nobilities so long as the locally required approvals are gathered by each member of the couples in question. By extension, such marriages shall not be considered morganatic within either nation. ARTICLE VII: EXTRADITION Should a citizen of either signatory be found to have acted in breach of local law whilst in the other’s territories, and should that citizen flee to their homeland; they shall be extradited to the signatory in which they committed the crime, and tried according to the local laws therein. HIS EXCELLENCY, Paul Salvian, Regent of the Commonwealth, Count of Temesch and Moere HIS HIGHNESS, Charles Leopold Sovereign of the Aaunic Kingdom Prince of Alstion

THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE HOLY ORENIAN EMPIRE: Volume VIII; The Turmoil Written by Justinian Nafis, heir to the County of Susa and Adolphus Gloriana, Earl of Suffolk, Prince of Sutica The Turmoil “He is surrounded by enemies on all sides, has presided over the greatest exodus the Empire has thus seen, and now scrapes at the heels of the Pontiff. I almost feel pity for him.” - Prince Olivier I of Savoy on Emperor Philip II The reign of Emperor Philip II is much-maligned by nearly all scholars and other individuals who lived through the period. His reign was one marked by a total dysfunction and stagnation of the instruments of Imperial governance, leading to a degradation of the Empire as a whole. While some minor reforms were attempted, they were ultimately too little, and too poorly-executed, to stem the tide of the Empire’s decline. However, in more recent years, some historians have questioned whether this dark period for the Empire could truly be laid at the feet of its most infamous figure, or if it was the result of natural processes beyond any one man’s control. Born the second son to Empress Anne and Emperor Joseph in 1759, it was not expected that Philip Augustus would eventually inherit the throne. Instead of being tutored in matters of statecraft, politics, and diplomacy, as his elder brother, John Charles, was, the young Philip Augustus instead focused on matters of warfare, theology, and law. He was a dutiful pupil and excelled in the latter two subjects, while remaining competent in the first. From the age of sixteen he served in the ISA, eventually rising to the rank of captain and serving with distinction in the Inferi War, but primarily kept the company of priests and other men and women of the clergy. It was rumored that he too would eventually don the habit, but in 1783 he was wed to Judith Alice Helvets, his first cousin and the daughter of the Duke of Helvets. The match, purely once of political convenience, sparked little joy. It was said that on the day of his wedding, Prince Philip found more interest in his new title, the Duchy of Crestfall, than his bride. Their marriage was tumultuous, and after bearing their final child, Helen Antonia, in 1796, the Duchess of Crestfall slipped into madness and was not seen again. Although foul play on her husband’s part is occasionally suggested, the truth of the matter cannot be known. Upon his ascension to the throne, one of the few advantages the new Emperor Philip II had were his children. The now-Princess Imperial, Josephine Augusta, had served as Minister of Civil Affairs for several decades and was regarded as the most competent of the Emperor’s children. Although none dared to speak it, many believed that she, rather than her siblings, or even her father, ought to be the one atop the throne. Her sisters were the adventurous Anne Caroline, who had herself risen to become an ISA lieutenant, and the beautiful Helen Antonia, who enjoyed immense popularity among the courtiers and citizenry of Providence (Helen's murder at the height of her renown in 1830 and the widely-followed investigation thereafter propelled her to a near-mythical status, coining the term 'the pretty princess' among the populace). Philip’s two sons, the Crown Prince, Philip Aurelian, Count of Renzfeld, and Robert Francis, Count of Temesch, were both well-liked and affable, though the former was typically absent from both public life and government affairs, and the latter was thought to be mad. However, as a whole, the Crestfall family was seen as an intelligent, loyal group who would prove to be fine leaders during their father’s reign, and whom many hoped would be better ones after it. The reasons for Philip II’s great unpopularity are plenty. Although well-respected by the clergy, Philip Augustus had never been a charismatic, nor amiable, individual. A furious temper gripped him, though it was rarely put on display publicly, and while not a dolt, it was well-understood that the Duke of Crestfall had neither the training nor the aptitude for the Imperial throne. Scandalous rumors surrounded Philip II throughout his life, possibly, and ironically, stemming from his many efforts to display his piety and devotion to God. While none were proven until after his death, that did not stop them from being widely-believed. Finally, and perhaps most infamously, he had censured his sister, Elizabeth Anne, when she had tried to present the Rosemoor Bill before the House of Lords in 1831 (and in the eyes of many had caused the beloved princess’ death). It was this past action above all else that brought to the forefront Philip II’s greatest and most persistent challenge that would dominate his reign: Savoy. Having been re-founded in the twilight of Emperor John VIII’s reign, the Principality of Savoy was on the rise, enjoying steady immigration from all over the human realms, though mainly from the Empire. Having earned the ire of almost all of the Imperial Court due to his staunch opposition to the Rosemoor Bill, the new Emperor soon found himself losing many courtiers, ladies, and young men in want of ladies. Furthermore, the departure of his grandson, the highly-regarded Philip Amadeus, Duke of Furnestock, only a year earlier, made others doubt the future of the Empire. Although Princess Imperial Josephine was a bright spot, Anne Caroline was far more of an adventurer than a stateswoman, the idolized Helen Antonia was dead, Crown Prince Philip Aurelian was rarely seen, and the disturbed Robert Francis had joined the Duke of Furnestock in his voyage east. While not a dire state of affairs, the future looked far brighter in Savoy, where the energetic Prince Olivier I and his youthful entourage seemed to be soaring. With his realm quickly losing its primacy on the world stage, the Emperor knew that he had to make immediate moves to consolidate his position. He began in 1837 by conferring new titles upon his remaining children, in the hopes of cementing the Crestfall line and bringing status to them among those courtiers that yet remained. Josephine Augusta was made the Duchess of Crestfall, the Emperor’s own title. Anne Caroline was made Duchess of Auvergne. Finally, Philip Aurelian received the Duchy of Adria, a title that had been held by the Novellens since Emperor Joseph II - but it was here that the Emperor’s authority was challenged. Famously (or infamously), the Duchy of Adria has historically been an elected title, although there are a number of instances where it has been inherited, conferred, and stripped at will by the reigning monarch of the day. Ever since Joseph II had been elected Duke of Adria in 1748, the tradition of election had been dropped, and the title was passed down as any other. There had always been a few minor noblemen of Adrian heritage that had petitioned for the resumption of ducal elections, though they had been too minor of a faction to be taken seriously. Now, however, with the ascension of a much-reviled Emperor, these factions took the opportunity to contest the conferral of the title onto Philip Aurelian. Led by Franz Nikolai Tuvyic, Count of Dobrov and grandson of the former Archchancellor Franz Nikolai de Sarkozy, a collection of lords in the Grenz argued that the transfer of the Duchy of Adria was illegal, and required an election (which they proceeded to organize and host). The Empire did not recognize the election’s legitimacy, and Philip Aurelian issued an official rebuke of the practice entirely, but it proceeded regardless. Franz Tuvyic was named Duke of Adria by a duma of Grenzi lords, and he and his followers proceeded to cross the northern border into Haeseni lands. Over the years, lords and ladies from across the Grenz, and even from Haense itself, would travel to the abode of Franz Tuvyic to pay homage to the ‘Duke of Adria’, but no serious conflict would emerge from this and eventually his claim was forgotten entirely. However, this act of defiance showed a vulnerability in Emperor Philip’s reign that was not present with his predecessors. The Emperor’s next move to consolidate power came later in 1837 with the formal abolition of the Imperial Diet and the banning of political parties. Although the Diet had been a decaying institution for some time, and had served little practical purpose during the latter half of Emperor John VIII’s reign, it was an old and cherished institution and was representative of the Petrine Empire as a whole. Political parties had sunk in popularity since their inception during the early days of the Imperial Diet, but they too had historically been prominent organizations in driving political participation. Along with the newly-appointed Archchancellor Drasus DeNurem, the son of the famed hero of the Rubern War, Alren DeNurem, the Emperor made a sweeping appeal to the people of Oren, promising that without a Diet to impede him, the reforms that the nation needed could begin with earnest. He finally signed the Rosemoor Bill into law, and although it was met with some gratitude from the remaining ladies of the court of the Augustine Palace, most regarded it as a cynical move done too late. 1838 continued to be an eventful year, with Crown Prince Philip Aurelian choosing to finally remarry after four years of being a widower. In 1834, his wife, the extravagant, vain, yet remarkably well-liked Lady Amadea Ulyssa of Pompourelia, perished early due to poor health. As the Empire had not seen an Empress since Anne, and had not seen an Empress-consort since Lorena of Cascadia, it was deemed of vital importance that Philip Aurelian ascend to the throne with a consort. Natural leaders of courtly functions and the cultural and social apparatus of the Empire, consorts, while rarely given overt political power, still played an important function in strengthening an Emperor’s rule. The Duke of Adria, already having five children with grandchildren on the way, had no need to marry young in order to produce further heirs. Thus, he chose to wed Princess Charlotte of Aldersberg, herself the widow of the late Sigismund, Count of Dobrov. Having been one of the few remaining prominent members of the Imperial court, and having two young daughters of her own, the well-regarded, sensible Princess Charlotte was seen as both a fitting match for the Duke of Adria and a suitable candidate for a future consort. The wedding between the two was well-attended and not inexpensive, but, given how both were now middle-aged, far from extravagant. To end the eventful year of 1838, and to provide another thorn in Emperor Philip’s side, was the sudden abdication of King Heinrik II of Haense, and the ascension of his far more popular, and capable, son, Sigismund Karl. During a feast, an accident occured (the nature is unknown) that revealed King Heinrik to be a member of the Azdrazi, a cult of dragon-worshippers who have sacrificed their pious mortality for the trappings of immortality promised by a false God. In fear and shame, the much-maligned King of Haense fled his kingdom, not to be seen again save for the occasional rumor from passing merchants and lonely farmers. The now-King Sigismund III, admired by countrymen and foreigners alike, was met with praise and applause upon ascending to the throne. His father’s twenty-one years of misrule had weakened Haense and given an opening for the Empire to assert their strength under Emperor John VIII, but now that he was gone, the kingdom could make a recovery. Unlike his counterpart in Emperor Philip II, King Sigismund III had both the competence and political means to achieve reform within Haense and restore it to the strength it had enjoyed before. Soon, Karosgrad became a popular destination for Orenian emigres from the Grenz and Arentania, just as San Luciano had been the location of choice for those leaving the Petra and capital. The rise of Haense further threatened the Empire’s position, and soon talks of an alliance were being made between Haense, Urguan, and Savoy, with other, smaller, states eager to join. Knowing that war could come were he not to receive allies, the Emperor soon ordered Archchancellor DeNurem to see who could be brought back into the fold of the Empire. One natural ally of the Emperor was the incumbent High Pontiff, Everard IV, who had ascended to the Pontifical throne in 1835. Reviled by Savoy, he proved to be a natural counterbalance to the rising principality and would often mediate when disagreement arose between the two states. In return, Emperor Philip would make constant displays of his piety, and ordered the construction of churches, wayshrines, and abbeys. One occasion involved the Emperor calling for court, only to direct his small audience down to the basilica, where he publicly underwent confession. Some, especially those within the Emperor’s inner circle, took to dubbing him ‘the Pious’ for his charitable actions and deference to the Church, while others, more cynical of either his motives or those of the High Pontiff, took to calling him ‘Priestlover’. The Emperor’s other forays into foreign affairs were met with far less success. In 1841, Philip II invited the mercenary captain Gaspard van Aert, a descendent of the House of Vilac, to settle on Orenian lands in the western reaches of the Oltremont. With a large, well-disciplined band of loyal followers, Gaspard fielded perhaps the highest-quality soldiers to be found on Almaris, and would eventually prove to be an invaluable ally. The Emperor, knowing the potential he had, wished to secure his vassalage in order to protect his western flank, for the dwindling ISA no longer had the strength to man its garrisons there. Van Aert agreed, and was granted the County of Middelan. However, the military talents of Van Aert and his soldiers would go unrealized by the Empire, and after a decade, Count Gaspard, despairing at the further decline of Oren, would turncoat and join Urguan in exchange for lands and titles. Men of the Blackvale Company under Gaspard van Aert scouting around the Oltremont, date unknown The second debacle came in 1844, when the Emperor attempted to curry the favor of the high elves of Haelun’or. Already a weakened power, it puzzled many as to why the Imperial Crown would seek ties to such a despised state. It puzzled them even more when the Emperor spent a substantial portion of the treasury’s funds on ‘elven books’ that never materialized, leading some to speculate that such a purchase was either a bribe, or was for elven erotica. Little came of the venture, save a pact of non-aggression, and many believed that the Empire’s full isolation on the world stage was now cemented. Were it not for the actions of the Foreign Secretary, Elizabeth Wittenbach, who managed to keep diplomatic channels open and convince the other nations of the world that war against Oren was against their interests, it is likely that the Empire would have been overwhelming and eventually forced into war far earlier. Another blow was dealt to the Empire in 1845, when official word of the Duke of Furnestock’s death came. Since his departure from the Empire nine years early, infrequent correspondence from Philip and Anastasia had revealed that they had conquered a small archipelago, which they ruled in the name of the Empire from their capital city of Ulyssa. Over the years, an agreement was reached to establish trade between Ulyssa and Providence and to have any children born to the Furnestock couple sent back to the mainland upon reaching the age of five. With more regular contact now established between the mainland and Ulyssa, there was some hope among the population of Oren that the Duke and Duchess of Furnestock would return. However, it seemed that it was not to be, as, at the young age of thirty, Philip Amadeus, the Duke of Furnestock, was announced to be deceased. The Duke’s body was returned to the Empire in an enclosed casket. His funeral, which drew a sizable crowd, was presided over by the Emperor himself, who was said to either have been weeping or cackling with glee- the sources disagree. It is well-attested that when the Duke of Furnestock’s young daughter of six, Princess Catherine Anastasia, gave the final speech of the day, with tears staining her cheeks, many in the audience regarded her words to be more sincere and better-crafted than those of the Emperor. Rumors, perhaps spawning from this supposed display of nonchalance, or deriving from previous accusations levied against Philip II, soon circulated after the funeral that either the Duke’s death was either arranged or faked by the Emperor himself in the hopes of cementing his rule. Unknown to the people of the Empire at the time, and much less Emperor Philip II himself, the Duke of Furnestock’s death had indeed been faked, but at his own will. Although his exact motivations for doing so are unknown- Philip Amadeus, upon his return to Almaris, would say that he wished to fully remove himself from the Imperial succession, while others close to him believed that his intentions to return to the Empire were laid from the start, and he simply wished to undermine his grandfather’s reign- he would seemingly return from the grave three years later. That matter, though, shall be covered later. The internal tensions within Philip II’s Council of State also reflected the deterioration in the Empire as a whole. Although Drasus DeNurem was a firm and serious man, just like his father, he was no Alren DeNurem. Too combative for his own good, without the successes to justify it, he and the Emperor frequently argued bitterly, and at times, as is rumored, worked actively to undermine the other. The nature of many of these arguments are either unknown or controversial. For instance, there are disagreements in the sources as to whether it was Archchancellor DeNurem or the Emperor himself who aimed to stifle any talks of reform. Additionally, after Philip II’s death, it was revealed by his own granddaughter, Moliana, the Countess of Dobrov, that he attempted to gain her hand in marriage. While little more than a rumor clouded by furtive whispers at the time, some allege that Archchancellor DeNurem mocked the Emperor for this, although it is doubtful. What is known is that in the winter of 1845, tired of DeNurem’s constant opposition to his wishes, the Emperor had him sacked and replaced with his own daughter, the Princess Imperial Josephine. To the now-Archchancellor Josephine Augusta, it was evident that serious change would need to come within the Empire lest it be fully surpassed by Savoy and Haense. It was agreed upon by all of the council that the first step would have to be the construction of a new capital. Although Providence was grand and ambitious, the city was poorly-designed, far too large, and had become the scorn of most of Almaris. Pouring over architectural models of the former Imperial capital of Helena, Archchancellor Josephine hired a team of architects, led by an elven woman named Lhoris and the Baroness of Rosius, Louise Halcourt, to design what would become the new capital of a changed Empire. Receiving a Pontifical dispensation, the new capital would be renamed to the City of St. James after the Emperor’s friend and object of admiration: High Pontiff James II. Unbeknownst to much of his council, however; the Emperor had ideas of his own to revitalize the Empire. Jealous of his brother’s triumph over Norland, his father’s triumph over Sedan, his mother’s triumph over the inferi, and his grandfather’s triumph over the A.I.S, Philip II sought to find a war of his own to win. Ignoring the disastrous state of the ISA, the lack of will among his populace for war, and the ongoing plans to construct a new capital, the Emperor set his sights on Urguan, and began fomenting a plan for how to spark a war against them. The cause for war came on the 14th of the Sun’s Smile, 1848, when it was reported that Duncan Vuiller, a member of the ISA and son of the Baron of Vuillermoz, one of the last nobles in the Empire with some power and the overlord of a sizable village, had attacked and killed a member of the dwarven Ireheart clan while hunting in the mountains of Arentania. Although Duncan Vuiller denied these charges, the Underking of the Urguani Horde, Ulfric Frostbeard, believed otherwise. He demanded that the Vuiller soldier be handed to Urguan to pay for his crimes, which Emperor Philip refused. He could not be more delighted about the events unfolding. It was evident to all that soon King Ulfric would declare war, so the Emperor gave the order for mobilization. This immediately backfired, exposing the weaknesses of the Empire that had been masked for so long. Although Emperor Philip had seen extensive service in his youth, that was decades earlier. Now he was nearing ninety, confined to a wheelchair, and suffering from the same ill-judgment that had plagued his life. His son and heir, the Duke of Adria, possessed virtually no military experience himself, and was absent when the call to arms came - indeed the Crestfall family as a whole had been split by rumors and internal strife, leaving only the Princess Imperial to stand at her father's side. The vaunted veterans of the war against Norland had since died or retired, leaving behind a dwindled, green soldiery core in the ISA. Urguan, on the other hand, had hired the services of Gaspard van Aert and the feared Blackvale Company as well as the Ferrymen mercenaries, bolstering their own legions. To make matters worse, they sent diplomats down to Savoy, hoping to form an alliance in the hopes of crushing the Empire. A panic set in the general populace of Oren, as many feared that the coming war would go disastrously. It was at this time that the Duke and Duchess of Furnestock made their triumphant return, though the beginnings of such were far more muted and cautious. It is well-known by now that, for whatever reason it may have been. Philip Amadeus had feigned his death three years earlier. Although his intentions seem to have been to remain away from the succession of the Imperial throne, that did not stop the flow of letters and information from Almaris from reaching Ulyssa. Although the dates are unclear, it is known that in 1847 the Duchess of Furnestock herself ventured back to the mainland to meet with old friends and evaluate the state of the Empire. The condition it was in shocked her to the core, and many nobles, soldiers, and courtiers within Oren urged her to return to try and salvage the situation. Returning home with this news, Anastasia was able to convince her husband to abandon his plans of distancing himself from the Empire (or, alternatively, brought him news that the situation in Oren was ripe for them to hatch their scheme). A year later, in 1848, the two set sail to the Principality of Savoy, where they knew they would be able to find support in Prince Olivier, who had been Philip Amadeus’s childhood tutor and a strong friend of the man. They arrived in San Luciano that fall, where they proceeded to meet with local dignitaries, nobles, and eventually the prince himself. Disguised, as to not have word of his return immediately spread, the Duke of Furnestock convinced the Prince of Savoy to reject Urguan’s offer of an alliance and join him in his bid to claim the Empire. On the 1st of the Sun’s Smile, 1849, Philip Amadeus and Anastasia Victoria’s return to Almaris was announced before the court of Savoy, upon which a great band of mercenaries, courtiers, and former Orenians swore themselves to the Duke and Duchess. Prince Olivier also pledged his sword to them, though for the moment they did not make their bid for the Imperial throne directly. The city of San Luciano, c. 1845 Back in Providence, the events of the past few months had swept the nation in a frenzy. A great fire had swept across the city, leaving much of it in ruin, but allowing Archchancellor Josephine to begin overseeing construction for the new capital. Mere weeks later, word of Philip Amadeus’s return had reached the Empire, sparking furious discussion. Many believed that he and Anastasia would return to the Empire, take charge of the war effort, and lead them to victory. The Emperor and much of his inner circle took a more cynical view. Why had the Duke of Furnestock faked his death? Why had he chosen to land at San Luciano instead of Providence? While Emperor Philip eventually decided to release a missive confirming his grandson’s return, and officially invited them to return to Oren, he also engaged in a secret correspondence with Philip Amadeus in order to ascertain his true motives. A week later, further chaos erupted. After rejecting an ultimatum from Urguan, the Empire now found itself at war. Although the ISA under the command of the capable General Erik Ruthern was able to defeat a small Urguani raiding party at Ephesius on the 17th of the Sun’s Smile, it was still believed by all that the war was a lost cost. A later battle at the bridge leading to the city, now fully rebuilt and renamed as St. James, ended far more disastrously for the ISA as one of their large patrols was cut down by a force half their size. Much of the Empire, now in panic, sent frantics letters to the Duke and Duchess of Furnestock back in San Luciano, begging them to return and salvage the situation. Philip and Anastasia, though desiring to return home, bided their time. On the 22nd of Owny’s Flame, wishing to first secure their children so that they could not be used against them, Anastasia, with the aid of a few sympathetic staff, snuck into the royal apartments in St. James and took her children from their rooms without raising alarm or suspicion. She sent them back to Savoy with a few servants, choosing to stay behind in the capital to gather support there. Meanwhile, back in San Luciano, Philip Amadeus announced that he was raising a mercenary company in order to support the Empire in their war against Urguan. While, on the surface, this appeared to be a most magnamious action, recently-uncovered correspondence reveals that the Duke of Furnestock had already offered to raise a mercenary company for his grandfather, which was privately rejected. With this move, he forced the Emperor to publicly rebuke this offer of aid, further stoking tensions and leading many in the Empire to believe that he had gone mad. By this point, it was evident that war was to come between the two Philips. Although he still had yet to officially declare for the Empire, most believed that the Duke of Furnestock’s aim was either to seize the throne himself or depose his grandfather and name himself regent for his father, the Duke of Adria. Whatever was truly the initial intent of Philip Amadeus, the path he eventually took was decided on the 17th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1849, when, in one of the more controversial incidents in the entirety of the Petrine Empire, Philip Aurelian, the Duke of Adria, died. During his time as the Crown Prince of the Empire, Philip Aurelian’s reputation was twofold- a characterization that has survived through decades of revisionism and counter-revisionism. On one hand, he was an affable, reasonable man of good humor. He avoided many of the controversies of his father, and was even said to have privately opposed him, though these rumors cannot be confirmed. He was well-liked by those who knew him, and had a number of well-positioned friends at court, and it was believed that the Empire under him would be better than under his father. On the other hand, he was seen by others, especially those more distant, as being lazy and inattentive towards his duties. He held no official position in the government, nor in the ISA, and at the outbreak of the war with Urguan, it was whispered that he was more preoccupied with visiting his mistress than taking charge of the war effort. Although he was something of an obscure figure for most of his father’s reign, the announcement of his death on the evening of the 17th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1849, sent shockwaves throughout Oren. Three central narratives attempt to explain the sudden death of the Duke of Adria, although all three have their shortcomings. The first, and the official one told by the Empire, is that the Duke of Adria suffered from a heart attack and was found dead in his chambers. While many were quick to circulate this tale, both from Emperor Philip II’s circle and from the Duke of Furnestock’s, many began to question this. The timing of Philip Aurelian’s death, a number of eyewitness sources claiming foul play was involved, and official investigation logs from the Ministry of Justice all point towards assassination being the cause, of which two theories remain the most prominent. The second theory, and perhaps the most popular-believed one within the heartlands, is that it was the Duke of Adria’s mistress, Mary Casimira Carrington, the former Governess of the Palace and the mother of one of his children, that killed him. After having been sacked from her position in 1847 by the Emperor, it is well-attested that Mary Carrington had gone mad and became a recluse in her estate in Redenford. However, mere days before her murder of the Imperial heir, she requested that he come meet with her during one of her visits into the capital, which he did. Accounts from this point on differ, with some attesting that Mary herself killed the prince with a concealed dagger, while others say that she had hired a man from Sedan (now a vassal state of the Underking of Urguan) to do the deed. However, this narrative is muddied by the fact that the Duke of Adria was allegedly spotted walking around St. James mere days after his supposed assassination, although this could be explained by some delusion or paranoia that had set over the populace as their Empire erupted into chaos. The final theory, promoted by High Pontiff Everard VI and discussed in depth in the propagandized Philippian Chronicles more recently published by one Henry Penton, follows closely with the second theory, but also asserts that Anastasia, and possibly Philip Amadeus as well, had ordered Mary Carrington to carry out the assassination. The basis of this accusation rests in a letter that was supposedly given to the High Pontiff by an Azdrazi. While Mary Carrington’s connection to Anastasia Ruthern is well-documented, and the latter was in St. James at this time, this theory is plagued by a lack of evidence beyond this letter, the contents of which have yet to be divulged and have the potential to be forgery. Regardless, this was perhaps the most impactful of the three theories, as it gave Everard VI the grounds to excommunicate Philip and Anastasia for a second time during their reign (the consequences of that decision shall be explored in our next volume). Philip Aurelian, the Duke of Adria, c. 1843 In the immediate aftermath of the Duke of Adria’s death, Emperor Philip II ordered the arrest of his granddaughter, the Duchess of Furnestock, who had been found gathering support from disaffected city burghers within St. James. However, while the Duchess was detained for a short time, the ISA soldiers eventually decided to go against their Emperor’s orders; they released Anastasia and escorted her back to San Luciano, where they would join her and her husband’s growing retinue. When she arrived, she found that word of her father-in-law’s death had reached Savoy already, and with it a number of nobles and other citizens of the Empire, ready to pledge themselves to her husband. Indeed, Philip Amadeus had not been idle during his wife’s time in San Luciano. A popular, well-connected man by all accounts, the Duke of Furnestock had been drawing supporters from the Empire to his side to supplement his small retinue in Savoy. All but one of the brigades in the ISA had flipped, including the Fourth Brigade- the Emperor’s own bodyguard. The Houses of de Rosius, Sarkozy, Carrington, Pruvia, O’Rourke, Basrid, d’Azor, and others, all either led by or containing old friends of Philip and Anastasia, had ventured to Savoy in order to pledge themselves to the man they hoped to be the savior of the Empire. Even foriegn dignitaries from Urguan, Fenn, Haelun’or, and Elvenesse gathered in San Luciano to oversee the events, preparing to throw their recognition behind the rising prince. The fateful day came on the 11th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1849. Before the court of Savoy, itself bearing far more onlookers from outside the principality than within it, Philip Amadeus, the Duke of Furnestock, proclaimed his intention to seize the throne of the Holy Orenian Empire. To great applause, and further pledges of fealty (including from the Prince of Savoy himself), he was declared Emperor Philip III. The Emperor-claimant then issued the famous document, The Mandate of Heaven, announcing his claim to the Imperial throne and the formal deposition of his grandfather. In order to enforce this decree with words, the Emperor-claimant, his wife, and the Prince of Savoy, set sail from San Luciano with the intent of landing in the Lower Petra in order to march on St. James. It is around this time that one of the more famous legends of the ‘Aster Revolution’ was born, giving rise to both the name of Philip Amadeus’s taking of the Imperial throne and the popular name for the period during which he reigned. It is said that, as Philip and Anastasia prepared to set sail from San Luciano with their army, they were gifted cloaks formed from aster flowers by a collection of burghers from the city. Other accounts say they were given small circlets of aster flowers made by children. The truth, however, is that even before Philip Amadeus announced his claim for the Empire, he and Anastasia consulted a local seer, who gave them both an aster flower to serve as a talisman of luck. This matters little for the wider legend, as soon the image of the aster became popularly associated with the couple’s march against their grandfather and the later reforms they brought about during their reign. Word traveled quickly, and within days Emperor Philip II had received word that his grandson was marching upon the capital with an army of ten-thousand, perhaps even more. With Savoyards, Orenians, and mercenaries in his ranks, it was evident that whatever the Empire could muster would not be enough, and Emperor Philip’s ever-narrowing inner circle continued to advise him to either reach a settlement with the Duke of Furnestock, abdicate and flee, or prepare St. James for a siege. However, the Emperor, with senility and madness seeping in, did not act. Believing that the Empire still stood behind him, and that his grandchildren had little support, he ordered General Ruthern to send a force to arrest the potential usurper. While some allege that the Count of Kositz had sympathies towards Philip and Anastasia, given how the latter was also his granddaughter, these rumors are false. A loyal man, Erik Ruthern desired to keep his ISA free of political schemes. Thus, his inaction in stopping the advancing Aster Revolution can be attributed to two factors. The first is that he simply had no force left to combat them with. Nearly all of the ISA had defected by this point, and what scant few forces remained were in St. James under the command of Major Erik Othaman. Indeed, it was for this precise reason that General Ruthern was away from the events of the Aster Revolution, as by this time he was desperately trying to raise forces in the Grenz in order to help and stop the Urguani horde, which by now had occupied some of the abandoned fortifications in the outer edges of the Oltremont. By the 15th of Tobias’s Bounty, Philip and Anastasia’s army had landed in the Lower Petra, near the old manor of the de Falstaff family. From here, they resumed their march to St. James, their ranks swelling from local aristocrats, peasants, and soldiers wishing to join them. By now, nearly the entirety of the Imperial peerage had sworn themselves to the two, and Haelun’or had officially recognized them as the rightful sovereigns of the Empire. A day later, with their army within a few days of the Imperial capital, it was here that Philip II, much like Emperor Antonius nearly a century and a half before him, disappeared. Thankfully, unlike with Antonius, it is universally-agreed that here Emperor Philip II died. The landing of Philip and Anastasia’s army in the Lower Petra, c. 1849 The most popular narrative is the one told by Prince Olivier of Savoy himself mere days after the event. In it, he himself claims to have snuck into the city in the middle of the night ahead of his army. Hiding under a bridge that crossed one of the city’s vital canals, the Prince of Savoy waited for the next morning. He correctly predicted that, with defeat on the horizon, the Emperor’s inner circle would force his evacuation. As the infirm Philip II was wheelchair-bound, he would have to be pushed over this bridge along the road leading to the stables. After eight hours of waiting, the sun rose, and indeed the Emperor was pushed along the bridge by a few of his attendants. It was here, Olivier Renault claimed, that he leapt atop the bridge, grabbed the Emperor’s wheelchair, and pushed him into the canal, where he drowned. Unfortunately for the humorous tastes of those who enjoy sailor’s tales and the like, the Prince of Savoy was nowhere near St. James at this time. He could not have been, as he was still encamped with Philip and Anastasia, making plans for a potential siege of St. James with the former. Instead, it is far more likely that, in the panic gripping the capital due to Philip Amadeus’s advance, the Emperor was simply trampled or accidentally pushed into the canals as swarms of citizens tried to flee the city. Some offer alternative theories that his daughter, the Archchancellor Josephine, orchestrated her father’s death to try and claim the throne herself, but these have absolutely no scholarly credibility. The primary reason behind discrediting any notions of foul play on the part of Josephine Augusta is her own unfortunate death merely a day later. Now in charge of the remnants of an Empire in ruin, and exerting little control beyond the walls of the Imperial palace itself, the Archchancellor gave the official order to evacuate the capital as the vanguard elements of the army of the Aster Revolution could be seen from the city walls. It was around this time that, as the Princess Imperial boarded her own carriage in an attempt to flee St. James, an accident occurred, resulting in her untimely death. It was later said that as she left, she ordered the city garrison to surrender the city to her nephew; however, this could simply be propaganda crafted by Emperor Philip III to cement his legitimate rule, as it is also attested that before she tried to make her escape, the Archchancellor set fire to the Imperial archives. While no specific details are known, the general circumstances of her death are, fortunately, undisputed. One day after his aunt’s death, and two days after his grandfather’s, Philip Amadeus reached the main bridge over the River Petra that led into Providence on the waning hours of the night of the 17th of Tobias’s Bounty. With an army of at least thirteen-thousand (though some estimates put it higher), the now-Emperor Philip III was greeted by the last remaining force to oppose him- a group of one-thousand five-hundred ISA soldiers led by Major Erik Othaman, the only soldiers to not defect to his cause. Wishing for an easy capitulation of the city, and fearing the message it would send were he to kill his legal subjects, the new Emperor took to negotiating with Major Othaman for the better part of an hour. Eventually, Othaman and his small force was allowed to garrison Fort Linnord, situated near the capital. Although they planned to form a small, independent state there, these notions were quickly quashed as, upon his return, General Ruthern ordered their return to the ISA and fealty to their new Emperor. As midnight came and went, and dawn soon emerged, Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia advanced into St. James at the head of their army. Although many of the citizens of the capital had fled, upon seeing that no bloodshed was to be had, they quickly began to stream back in. A great crowd of over twenty-thousand cheered for the young Emperor and Empress as they made their procession through the capital, either genuinely thankful they had deposed their despised grandfather, or perhaps intimidated by the strong army accompanying them. Shouts of Philip ‘the Great’ rang through the air as the jovial, young Imperial couple embraced their warm reception with an equally-spirited demeanor. The two marched to the Basilica of the Argentate Star, where they were met by High Pontiff Everard VI, who, after much discussion, agreed to hold an immediate coronation. Despite no plans having been made, the coronation of Emperor Philip III was one of the greatest-attended in history, and was generally well-received. On the 19th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1849, he was officially crowned as Emperor Philip III. At the Emperor’s insistence, the High Pontiff also crowned Anastasia, though for now she was to remain simply Empress-consort (something that would soon change, though it shall be covered in our next volume). After the coronation ceremony, the pair proceeded to the courtroom of the Imperial palace, where they met with a great number of lords, ladies, citizens, foreign dignitaries, and the like, who had come to swear themselves to the throne, inquire about what was to happen, or simply speak their mind for a moment. All who gathered were attended to, and it was evident that, beyond the lingering doubts and questions in the air, hope shined through in the Imperial populace. Within a year, the actions taken by Philip and Anastasia would cause some to affirm this faith, while others would begin to question it. The reign of Emperor Philip II is widely-regarded as one of the worst, most disastrous periods in the history of Oren as a whole. Presiding over a weakened, declining state, what little changes he made were either too poorly-executed or too unambitious to bring about the rejuvenation the Empire so desperately needed. Whether this was the result of the Emperor’s own person, and the ire he drew from virtually every faction and demographic to be found in Oren, or whether this was a natural degradation of the Petrine systems and a withdrawal of talent, is up for debate. No matter the interpretation, Philip II’s conduct during his rule is almost universally-regarded as abysmal. Having inherited an Empire that was the preeminent power in the world, albeit one reduced somewhat and in need of reform, Philip II’s reign ended with a disastrous attempt at war coupled with his nation’s isolation from the world stage. Ironically, while Philip II’s forays into re-centralizing some of the Crown’s power ended poorly, they were far better-utilized by his successor. The abolition of the Imperial Diet, dissolution of political parties, and resumption of the Crown’s role in issuing legislation provided a groundwork for a more effective means of governance. Had the Emperor been more competent in his handling of these regained authorities, or had his ministers been more encouraged to use them. Instead, this opportunity to take drastic, but necessary, measures were squandered, and the Empire became susceptible to a revolution by young, more ambitious men and women promising to do great things with the power Philip II had but ill-used. Some of these promises would come to pass, others would entirely fail, but it was merely the hope of change that brought a nation to overthrow an Emperor who could not, or would not, provide it. Vale, Philip II ‘Priestlover’ 18th of Harren’s Folly, 1759-16th of Tobias' Bounty, 1849 (r. 12th of Owyn’s Flame, 1837-16th of Tobias' Bounty, 1849) O Ágioi Kristoff, Jude kai Pius. Dóste mas gnósi ópos sas ékane o Theós. Poté min afísoume na doúme to skotádi, allá as doúme móno to fos tis sofías kai tis alítheias. O Theós na se evlogeí. The co-rule of Emperor Philip III and Empress Anastasia, the Michaelite Schism, and the Eastfleet War, shall be covered in our next volume of The Decline and Fall of the Holy Orenian Empire.

TO DISPEL RUMORS OF FOUL PLAY 9 S.S. 1892 IC To the Lords of the Eastern Almarisian Treaty Organization, All, and One, The Commonwealth of the Petra is a nation of knights and noblesse; we are in chief men and women of Honor. An attack taking place on foreign soil, and furthermore in the House of GOD - this is antithetical to our beliefs, to our credos. As such, we have no choice but to denounce those such actions that occurred earlier this Saint’s Day. We clarify now that those Petrans that may have been in Balian at the time of such an attack were there as part of an ongoing mission to improve Our relations abroad (and that indeed We have sent attendees as far as Celia’nor for their Coronation just this year), and took no part in any of the crimes against GOD and Man that we have been informed of. Any harm that may have come to those good citizens of Balian, inflicted by those that may bear Commonwealth colors - We ask that the good King sends us a formal list, that they may receive punishment equal to that which they would have received as if inflicted upon Our own. We hope that this gesture of faith be made known publicly, that we may be held to our high standard of Honor and not be taken for sinners nor suffer for another’s actions. Petra, Flowing Water! Ave! Ave! Glory be to GOD Most High, HIS EXCELLENCY, Paul Salvian, Regent of the Commonwealth, Count of Temesch and Moere

Paul Temesch clears his schedule for the fateful day! His daughter Renilde, of course, he forces to attend... @tilly

A smile broke across Paul's face as he passed his daughter's room - on his way out of the castle, towards the gathering place of the state leadership. "Enumerating further rights of the general knights, however nepotistic it may seem?" The man commented as he entered the tavern. "Or - further on these subjects - demanding certain trials of knighthood? Or do you think that needn't be law?" @Lyonharted @MCVDK @AndrewTech

THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE HOLY ORENIAN EMPIRE: Volume VII; Glory and Decay Written by Justinian Nafis, heir to the County of Susa and Adolphus Gloriana, Earl of Suffolk, Prince of Sutica Glory and Decay “If this kingdom of apostates insists upon bloodying the pages of mankind’s history once more, then we will meet them in battle. They will be recorded as a footnote, another in a long list of evil and impossible attempts to foil Providence. We will repel this invasion, as we have all others.” - The Imperial Response to the Tenth Nordling War, Emperor John VIII The reign of Emperor John VIII marked the apex of the Petrine ideology. While Joseph II was able to fully-realize the dream of defeudalization, extensive bureaucracy, and centralization that had begun with Peter III, he did not live to see the fruits of his toils. This reward, though also a task in itself, fell to his eldest son. Under John, he was able to maintain the systems of Pertine governance and demonstrate the might of a unified Empire during the 10th Nordling War. However, cracks began to break the peaceful stability that has come to define his reign. Towards the end of his life, government stagnation, an unpopular heir, and a lack of reforms threatened the future strength of the Empire. Despite this, he remains one of the more beloved personalities to sit atop the throne, and it is said that the common man of Oren did not live a better life than under Emperor John VIII. The ascension of John Charles, the Duke of Helena, to the Orenian throne was a long-awaited event. At the age of fifty six, he was among the oldest men in history to ascend to the throne, though the ascension of his brother, Philip Augustus, at the age of seventy-eight stands as the clear record. Unlike the latter, though, it was evident that John VIII was well-prepared for his position. Although he did not have the same extensive judicial and governmental experience as his father, he had served in the ISA since the Sutica War. Although he never rose past lieutenant, and did not see major combat, he had served well and ably in each Imperial conflict and had earned the respect of the citizenry and soldiery for it. Additionally, throughout his parent’s reign he had often sat in on council meetings, and by the end of his father’s reign he had served as regent. Immediately upon his ascension to the Imperial throne, the question of succession was the pressing issue of the day. As a young man, the future Emperor had been betrothed to Lady Irene Ruthern, the daughter of the Count of Metterden. However, on the eve of their wedding, Irene Ruthern vanished without warning, leaving the young John Charles without a bride (Irene Ruthern herself would later emerge and occupy a substantial position in Haeseni politics as Lady Speaker of the Duma. She would eventually marry Franz de Sarkozy in 1803 before being executed in 1814 after her attempted assassination of King Heinrik II of Haense). In the search for a suitable wife for the Duke of Helena, Wilhelmina Helvets, the daughter of the Duke of Cathalon and a prominent lady of the Imperial Court, was chosen. However, this marriage was infamous for its lovelessness, betrayal, and spitefulness. The pair could hardly be near each other, and Wilhelmina often threw herself headfirst into petty plots and schemes. They had no issue, though Wilhelmina had several by multiple men, and in 1814, on the eve of Emperor Joseph II’s death, the two were officially divorced. John VIII’s lack of a proper heir gave rise to slanderous rumors, even in his time. Although many originate from Wilhelmina Helvets and her allies in court, it was a commonly-held belief that the Emperor had greater fondness for men than women. As John Charles was often found with male courtiers during the late hours of the night, and never female courtiers, the rumors were only stoked. However, these accusations are simply lies. It is well-known that he fathered an illegitimate son in 1803 by the beautiful Theresa Mae Halcourt. Indeed, it seems that the reason John Charles never took readily to women is that he was so greatly attracted to the female sex that he refused to lay with a woman who met his great standards, unmatched by any other man before or since. Because he was so greatly attracted to women, his wife, Wilhelmina, simply could not meet these standards, and thus he refused to conduct his duties within the spousal bedroom. Regardless, the Emperor’s lack of a legitimate child, unwillingness to marry after his divorce, and advanced age, meant that his brother, Philip Augustus, the Duke of Crestfall, stood as his heir-presumptive. While it can be said that Philip Augustus held strongly to his faith in the Lord, few other compliments have been paid his way. Reviled by the Orenian populace, commoner and noble alike, and ill-prepared for the throne, many begged Emperor John to sire legitimate progeny or otherwise remove his younger brother from the succession, legally or otherwise. While the problems stemming from this ill-fated succession would not emerge until near the end of Emperor John’s reign, it hung over the Empire as a specter of a bleak future. Despite the attention given to his inability to sire an heir, succession was not the sole problem that arose during the start of Emperor John’s reign, nor was it the most dangerous. The first four years of his reign began well and peacefully, owing to the successes of his predecessor in stamping out the most prominent rebellious sentiments within the Empire. The new Archchancellor, Ledicourt d’Azor, and his Council of State, managed the realm ably and with little difficulty. Save for one issue in 1815, when Tiberius Hartcold, a traitor to the Empire who had fought with the Sedanites during their rebellion, was captured and executed by the Emperor via nailing a wig to his head, little disturbed the peace of the realm. It appeared to many that Emperor John’s reign would take the course of his father’s, though perhaps with even fewer disturbances. Little did the people of Oren know, the events of the coming years would make this hope short-lived. The prelude to the Tenth Nordling War began with the visit of an unnamed fatherist priest to Providence in 1816. A fatalistic and evangelist sort, the preacher took to the streets to proclaim that the end times were near and that the Empire would soon sink into a sea of fire. The populace of Providence, staunchly Canonist and righteously annoyed with the priest’s antics, savagely beat the man for his false-prophecies. By the time a few ISA soldiers arrived to apprehend him, he was on the verge of death. Later that night he would perish while confined to a cell within the Bastion. The second, more infamous, incident occurred several months later, and is subject to much scrutiny and controversy. The official narrative, propagated by the Kingdom of Norland and used as the defining casus belli for the coming war, states that brigands from a group called the Sons of Horen raided a few farmstead on the outskirts of Norland, slaughtering several cattle and injuring a farmhand. According to both Norland and the Sons of Horen themselves, the latter had ties to the Empire and the Canonist Church, and was said to be acting on their orders. The Empire and the Church disputed these accusations, alleging that the Sons of Horen, a group that had never been heard of before, was created by Norland to stage a false-flag attack against themselves to justify a war against Oren. A handful of later historians, utilizing census information found on a few supposed Sons of Horen, believe the attacks to have been staged by lingering elements of the Josephite Mafia (though the Josephite Party had officially been disbanded by this point). A Norlandic replication of their sacred burning bush. Said to be the most advanced work of art in Norlandic history, date unknown By 1817, the ruling King of Norland, Sven Edvardsson II, had what he needed to make his demands. On the 13th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1817, he officially released a series of demands to the Empire, foremost among them being reparations for the slaying of the fatherist priest and the damages dealt by the Sons of Horen raid. Himself having ascended to the throne just a year earlier, the bellicose and warlike Sven desired to cement his rule by uniting the disparate clans and factions of Norland against the Empire. Additionally, since the expulsion of Haense from the Empire in 1786, the three powers of Norland, Haense, and Urguan had been consistently joined together in an alliance known as the Iron Accord. Sven II believed that upon declaring war on the Empire the rest of the Iron Accord would come to his support, but he was woefully wrong. Inexperienced and ill-trained in matters of war and politics, the King Sven would soon be dismayed to find out that Norland would fight the coming war alone. Knowing that war was soon to come, Emperor John made immediate preparations to mobilize the Empire. The ISA, though still strong, had been subject to untimely resignations and budget cuts in the aftermath of the Sedan Rebellion, as it seemed peace had been well-secured. The well-liked and esteemed General Peter d’Arkent, Duke of Sunholdt, had died in 1814 of old age. His replacement as General, William Darkwood, the Baron of Darkwood, was a loyal, hardworking, and experienced man; however, his time as an officer had been spent managing logistics, not soldiers and combat. Few of his subordinates liked or respected him as they had General DeNurem or General d’Arkent, and he was a below-average battlefield tactician and campaign strategist at best. Knowing the limitations of the current ISA leadership, the Emperor appointed Iskander Basrid, Count of Susa and hero of the Sedan Rebellion, as Field Marshal. A popular figure within the Empire, and the husband of the equally-beloved Princess Imperial, Elizabeth Anne, the Count of Susa was the perfect man to lead the war effort. Although he was only a major in the ISA, his appointment as Field Marshal gave Iskander effective control of the entirety of the Empire’s military resources. To supplement the current ISA forces and give his new Field Marshal an effective fighting force, the Emperor also tasked the retired Franz Sarkozy and Simon Pruvia, the Viscount of Provins, with finding mercenaries and allies. The official declaration of war came on the 13th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1818. A day later, the garrison of Southbridge came under attack by a raiding party of nine-hundred Norlanders. Having been led to allied Urguan weeks in advance in preparation for the official declaration of war, the Norlandic force caught the garrison of Southbridge by surprise, driving them out despite possessing fewer numbers. However, the fighting was restricted to a few volleys of arrow fire, which resulted only in a few minor injuries. Led in person by Donovan Freysson, their tribal war leader, Norland had scored the first victory of the war. It would turn out to be a minor affair, though, as after ransacking Southbridge, the raiding party was forced to withdraw back into Urguan after receiving word of a large ISA force bearing down on them. Urguan’s role in the war, though expected to be large, turned out to be fairly minor. Caught unaware by King Sven’s sudden declaration of war, the Underking had not yet mobilized the clans of Urguan and made war preparations. Furthermore, several years of drought, crop failures, and economic instability had rendered Urguan unable to effectively field a large army for the time being. Although small bands of dwarves could be spotted joining their Norlandic allies, and Urguan officially announced that it would honor the terms of the Iron Accord and join Norland in the war against the Empire, the Underrealm did little more throughout the war than serve as a staging ground for various Norlandic raiding parties. A further blow to King Sven’s cause was dealt when Haense signed the Greyspine Convention with the Empire, a pact of neutrality officially mediated by High Pontiff Jude II. Fearing defeat were he to join Norland without Urguan’s support, and not wishing to join a pagan offensive against a Canonist nation, King Heinrik II of Haense agreed to refrain from joining the war in exchange for the promise that no Canonists would be harmed. It is said that when he received the news, the Norlandic King broke down into a nervous wreck. Without his two strongest allies, Norland would be forced to fight the war alone, though they did receive substantial support from the Ferrymen mercenaries. Emperor John, on the other hand, found himself enjoying a strong position. A week after his treaty with Haense was concluded, he received word from the Viscount of Pruvia that the Consul Olivier Renault de Savoie of the Free City of Luciensburg had agreed to lead his personal mercenary company, the Metinan Company, in support of the Empire in exchange for some monetary considerations. Although Luciensburg was a young city, founded by Savoyards exiled from the Empire in the aftermath of the Sedan Rebellion, the Metinan Company was professional, disciplined, and effective. For his part, Olivier Renault had little love for Norland and was sympathetic to the Empire, only joining the rebellion against it in the hopes of restoring it to its past glory. With this contract formed, Emperor John now had a strong core to augment the ISA regulars. The Empire’s strike back came on the 1st of Tobias’s Bounty, 1818, in the dead of winter. The Count of Susa, leading a small Imperial raiding party of a thousand men, rode through the Duchy of Elysium, the largest and most powerful of Norland’s vassals, putting the main city to the torch and capturing the Duke of Elysium himself without losing a man. When the Duke of Elysium was brought back to Providence, it was advised by Archchancellor d’Azor and Franz de Sarkozy that he be executed, but Prince Philip, the Duke of Crestfall, overruled the two. He made the Duke of Elysium sign a treaty officially withdrawing from the war before setting him free (the Duke of Elysium would later renege on the treaty, citing that his signature had been made while under duress). The next year, 1819, was marked by small-scale raids and skirmishes fought between the professional cores of the Imperial and Norlandic armies as both nations mobilized their full might. Both nations burnt farmsteads, villages, and mills as they sought to demoralize the populace of the opposition. Much of the Lower Petra and the Grenz of the Empire was left in ruin, though not irreparably so, while almost the whole of Norland was sacked at some point or another. On the 16th of Horen’s Calling, 1819, the Count of Susa led a force of one-thousand to raid Elysium again, but was ambushed by a force of over two-thousand led by the Duke of Elysium. Outnumbered and taken by surprise, the Count of Susa commanded a stout retreat, killing nearly a thousand Elysians while suffering only a few hundred casualties of his own, but was forced back into the Grenz. Donovan Freysson’s raid into Providence on the 13th of Godfrey's Triumph, the first anniversary of the start of the war, was far more successful. Storming a few undermanned, outlying forts protecting Providence, Donovan’s force of one-thousand two-hundred killed and wounded nearly one-thousand three-hundred ISA soldiers and came close to capturing the Archchancellor. It was only the intervention of the city garrison itself that forced the Norlanders to withdraw to Urguan. A few more minor skirmishes were fought throughout the year, but few were decisive. The next year, 1820, saw more of the same, though it was here that the war’s longest battle was fought. From the 7th to the 8th of Tobias’s Bounty, a force of around one-thousand two-hundred Norlandic-Ferrymen raiders led by Donovan Freysson fought bitterly with an army of three-thousand five-hundred ISA-Metinan soldiers commanded by Olivier de Savoie. Around the towns and farms lining the Southern Highway of the Lower Petra, the two forces did battle. While Donovan’s force performed admirably against the larger Imperial army, they were worn down over the course of the two days’ worth of fighting and were forced to retreat. Despite both sides having seen their fair share of successes, it was evident that the Imperial’s overwhelming advantage in manpower was the decisive factor. As King Sven gathered his army, Donovan’s own raiding parties grew smaller and smaller. By the spring of 1821, the war chief received word from his king that in a few months’ time the Norlandic host would be marching south to join forces with Urguan, which had managed to raise a small army of its own. Donovan protested this action, advising the king that it would be wiser to prepare Norland’s defenses for an imminent Imperial invasion, which would come with a larger army than they could muster. The king, desiring a quick blow to end the war, rejected these plans, and authorized one last raid into the Empire before the war chief was to join the main Norlandic host. This raid would come on the 17th of Horen’s Calling, 1821. Having already ridden north to take command of the main army, Donovan Freysson had allowed the Ferrymen one last raid into Providence, ostensibly to disrupt the mustering of the Imperial army. However, unbeknownst to the war chief, plans of the Norlandic march south had been intercepted by the Viscount of Provins and Anastasia O’Rourke, the Countess of Halstaig, who had relayed the information to the Count of Susa. Not wishing to squander the opportunity to smash the Norlandic host before they could unite with Urguan, the Count of Susa and Emperor John himself had departed with the main Orenian army mere days before the Ferrymen raiding force had arrived. When they did finally reach Providence, they were surrounded and slaughtered by the city garrison, led by Erik var Ruthern, the Count of Kositz. This would be the penultimate action of the war, and the last threat to Providence itself for over thirty years. The final battle would come on the 4th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1821, at the Battle of Outer Arentania. Unaware of the incoming Imperial force, the King of Norland had ordered his army, numbering about four-thousand two-hundred, to march through the outer edges of the Empire in order to reach Urguan faster. Although winter had set in further north, the first snows had yet to reach the center of Almaris, and the terrain was still suitable for marching. On the eve of the 3rd of Tobias’s Bounty, the Norlandic army had come to a stop in a valley surrounded by great hills on each side in order to camp for the night. King Sven, against the advice of his chief war leaders, had refused to send out any scouts or place pickets around his camp, believing his army to be completely safe. The Emperor and the Count of Susa had reached the area just hours after the Norlanders, and the two had wasted no time making preparations in the dead of night. Although Emperor John was in nominal command of the Imperial army, he lacked battlefield experience and had not seen action for years. True command was given to the Count of Susa, who, through consultation with his staff and the Emperor, devised a plan to bait the outnumbered Norlanders into a trap. Possessing an army numbering nine-thousand four-hundred, the Count of Susa ordered it to be split, with one-thousand six-hundred men of the Metinan Company taking positions on the hills to the south and the rest laying in wait near the more rugged cliffs to the east. The smaller force, to be led by Olivier de Savoie, would pose as an isolated raiding party and bait the Norlandic host into charging uphill, while the rest of the army, led by Iskander himself, would swing around and hit the Norlanders from the rear and flank. From the east, cannonade fire, directed by the Countess of Halstaig, would pin the Norlanders in place and keep them from fleeing. After the plan was confirmed by the Emperor, orders were distributed, and the men and women of the Imperial army went silently to their assigned places under the cover of night, not alerting the Norlanders. At dawn the following morning, the Norlandic host awoke to see a small force of Imperials, less than a third their own size, shouting and jeering at them from atop the southern hills. Fearing it was a trap, Donovan Freysson and some of the older clan chiefs advised King Sven to pull back atop one of the hills and take a defensive position. The Norlandic King merely laughed and accused them of cowardice. Instead, he took the advice of his younger, more impetuous vassals to heart. He gave the order to prepare the army to advance south and sweep past this meager force. Within two hours it was done, and the king gave the signal to advance. From the cliffs to the east, the Count of Susa grinned while his own men suppressed their cheers. The Norlandic foot had made it halfway up the hill to meet Olivier de Savoie’s force when suddenly horns, drums, and shouts from the east could be heard. Within minutes, over the rolling hills, the great second force of the Imperials, numbering seven-thousand eight-hundred, could be seen bearing down on the Norlandic host with Iskander Basird, dressed in brilliant gold-encrusted armor bearing the sigil of his house, at the head. It is said that upon seeing that he had been trapped, King Sven II took the fastest destrier he had and fled immediately, sparking confusion within his ranks. Not knowing whether to retreat with their king, brace for impact, or continue to advance, the Norlanders fell into a confused panic. Donovan Freysson attempted to rally the army to make a fighting withdrawal, but they were soon struck from the front by Olivier de Savoie and his portion of the army. Moments later, the advance elements of the main Imperial host had reached the rear and flank of the Norlandic army, pinning them against the Metinans. Well-placed cannon-fire from the Imperials struck the very center of the Norlanders ranks, turning the confused mess into a sheer panic. Overlooking the battle from the cliffs of the east, where the artillery had been placed, was Emperor John VIII. According to popular rumor, he had made a bet with the Count of Susa and General Darkwood as to how quick the battle would be. The Count of Susa had predicted under five minutes, General Darkwood had predicted within five to seven minutes, and the Emperor had predicted within seven to ten minutes. Keeping track of the time, the Emperor recorded the battle as having taken five minutes and seventeen seconds, giving rise to the popular moniker The Five Minute Battle, for the Battle of Outer Arentania. It is also said that after receiving his winnings from the Count of Susa and the Emperor, General Darkwood bought a month’s supply of wine for each of his men who had participated in the battle (perhaps the only time he enjoyed the popular support of the ISA). Emperor John VIII overlooking the Battle of Outer Arentania, 1821 Whether the account of Emperor John’s time-taking is truthful, it cannot be denied that the Battle of Outer Arentania was one of the quickest engagements in known history. Within minutes, the Norlandic host had been shattered: around four-thousand one-hundred of the men who had marched south with King Sven lay dead, missing, or captured in the aftermath. Among them was Donovan Freysson, who had been captured by Olivier de Savoie personally after a duel between the two of them. The losses by the Imperials were minimal, though most had been suffered by the Metinan Company, who fought primarily against the Ferrymen mercenaries, perhaps the stiffest resistance to be found in the Norlandic army that day. By the next day, the Imperials resumed their march towards the border of Norland, preparing to invade the kingdom. It would never come, as within days of the expected Imperial offensive into Norland, King Sven offered terms of peace. Norland would withdraw from the Iron Accord, cease all expansion to the south and the east, and pay forty-thousand minae to the Empire in reparations. The Emperor agreed to a ceasefire, and for the next two years the two sides would haggle and negotiate, but by the end the terms would remain the same, save for some minor additional territorial clauses. In this time, the Metinan Company, reeling from their losses, threatened mutiny against Olivier Renault, citing unpaid wages. The Savoyard was forced to disband the company and return home to quell internal tensions within Luciensburg, which had suffered adverse economic effects from the war. Despite this, the ISA remained strong, and additional recruits were drawn from the Grenz to supplement them. However, they were unneeded, as on the 9th of the Sun’s Smile, 1823, Emperor John officially announced that the peace talks had been concluded. The ISA, which had been stationed outside of the Norlandic border on-and-off for two years, was finally allowed to demobilize and return home. Two months later, on the 10th of Sigismund’s End, the Treaty of Providence was signed, officially ending the war. Despite the immediate challenge that he had faced upon ascending to the throne, Emperor John had acquitted himself well in the conflict. The whole of the Empire had rallied around the war effort, and Norland’s overwhelming defeat in the war had broken its power. Even today, the kingdom has not recovered from the loss of manpower, prestige, and honor from their failed invasion of the Empire. So thorough was Emperor John’s victory that an entire week was devoted to games, festivities, and feasts in honor of the victory. The strength of the Empire had been proven once again, and it seemed that a new age of glory would soon be upon Oren. The atmosphere was jubilant, the ISA was bristling with new recruits, the economy, boosted by Norland’s reparations, was booming, and the courts were consistently filled with the dazzling lords and ladies of the realm, all enjoying the fruits of triumph. However, famously, or infamously, the rest of Emperor John VIII’s reign would be characterized by the same quietness and stability that had been expected of it at the start. His reign is best-known for the Tenth Nordling War, but it only occupied five of his twenty-three years of rule. What, then, can be said of the remainder of his reign? In truth, it is little much, and it is these years that the harshest critics of his reign point to. While this period was a peaceful, prosperous one, it also was plagued by a decline in the ISA, the looming succession of the unpopular Duke of Crestfall, the stagnation of the government, and a plummeting interest and participation in the Imperial Diet, and the Rosemoor Movement. One understated issue to emerge came from within the Church. Tragically, the sensible and prudent High Pontiff Jude II had been assassinated by Norlandic agents in 1820, which made him a martyr to the Imperial cause and drove several members of the clergy to more openly support the Empire. However, this void was one that could not be filled, as with Jude II died the line of pragmatists that had governed the Church (save the interruption with Owyn III) starting with High Pontiff Pontian II in 1702. To follow would come a line of Haeseni Pontiffs, primarily from the House Barclay, who were far more interested in attempting to expand the Church’s social and political influence. Jude II’s successor, Tylos I, was an archconservative, former soldier and politician in Haense, and possessed little of the sense and diligence of his predecessor. For fifteen years he absently sat atop the Pontifical throne, doing little, harming the Church, and causing the faith’s influence to wane in the Empire. While Emperor John wished to continue the policy of his forebears by refraining from joining in political affairs, the deteriorating religious situation gave rise to political factions inspired by Tylos I’s cultural beliefs, but repulsed by his laziness. The Risorgimentists and Adrianites were both reactionary parties that attempted to form in the late 1820s. Conservative, despising liberal thought and institutions, and devout followers of the faith, they sought to take charge of the Empire’s moral and spiritual character where the Church had failed by radically altering society and returning it to its more feudal, decentralized roots. The Emperor, a staunch opponent of those who sought to alter the status quo, heavily suppressed the two parties and their associate organizations across the Empire. From the dissolution of the Josephite Party in 1815, the government had been dominated by Ledicort d’Azor’s National Party ever since. However, by the middle of Emperor John’s reign, a breakdown of interest in the Diet had become a noticeable issue. With opposition parties either being repressed by the government or struggling to win against the Nationals, few except the most staunch allies of Archchancellor d’Azor continued to take interest in politics. Election after election, voter turnout plummeted, incompetent candidates found seats in the House of Commons, and few bills were produced from the Diet, and fewer still sensible enough to be approved by the Emperor. Many began to regard the Diet as a useless institution, good for little else than rubber-stamping the agenda of the Azor Ministry, which was itself beginning to lose the ambition it had set out with, but events in the late 1820s turned this around. We speak, of course, about the Rosemoor Movement. The Rosemoor Movement had its roots in the activism of The Princess Imperial and Countess of Rosemoor, Elizabeth Anne. Elizabeth Anne, having herself served in the ISA and the House of Lords, and having seen her mother perform the duties of an Empress-regnant admirably, began to question why the laws of inheritance within Oren favored men. At that time, the Empire, along with most other nations of Almaris, followed a system of male-preference primogeniture. The titles and properties of a deceased lord or lady would be given to their eldest son, regardless of whether he had elder sisters or not. If the son had died, but not his son, then the titles would be given to him, and so on. Only if there were no male descendants to be found could the eldest daughter inherit. Elizabeth Anne, joined by many other prominent noblewomen in the Empire, among them Claude Elizabeth de Savoie, daughter of Olivier de Savoie, Alina Basrid, and Anastasia Victoria vas Ruthern, granddaughter of Count Erik of Kositz and the future Empress Anastasia, began a movement in support of the ‘Rosemoor Bill’, which was a bill authored by the Princess Imperial herself that would give women equal inheritance rights as men. This movement was bitterly contested by the more conservative elements of the nobility, chief among them the Duke of Cathalon. Others, such as the Viscount of Provins and the Archancellor (now sitting in the House of Lords as the Count of Azor) did not necessarily oppose the movement, but disagreed with the wording of the bill. The Emperor himself was partial to his older sister’s cause, but did not want to intervene entirely, and instead left the matter to the House of Lords. However, the Rosemoor Movement was growing, and weekly street demonstrations, rallies, and organized events made the issue of equal-sex succession the most prominent topic in the Empire. This worried the Duke of Crestfall in particular, who, as the head of the House of Lords, had significant sway over whether the bill would pass or not. During his brother’s reign, the power of the nobility had been reduced to its lowest point, and the nobility of the Empire was mostly constrained to the Augustine Palace, where they were kept docile and useless. Save a few prominent peers who joined the ISA and partook in politics, the majority of the aristocracy, until now, had been content with their soft lifestyle, exerting themselves only for the many balls and feasts hosted. If they could be mobilized so effectively here, then they could be mobilized against the Crown in an effort to champion other privileges they desired, so thought Philip Augustus. It was here that he resolved to end the Rosemoor Movement. During a session of the House of Lords in the waning winter months of 1830, the Princess Imperial officially brought the Rosemoor Bill to the floor of the legislative body. For hours it was debated over, and, just as a vote was to be taken, the Duke of Crestfall paused the proceedings. Using his powers as head of the House of Lords, he castigated his elder sister for taking to the streets with her political whims and attempting to weaponize public opinion in an effort to have the Rosemoor Bill passed. He immediately held a vote to censure Elizabeth Anne and prevent a vote from taking place on her bill. Supported by a number of conservative members of the House of Lords, the motion passed, and the Princess Imperial was barred from speaking for the rest of the session. This betrayal from her own brother struck grief into her heart and sparked outrage from nearly all the public. This only grew when, mere weeks later, the Princess Imperial was announced to have died. The Duke of Crestfall attempted to defend his actions, citing their legality, but public opinion against him had sunk. The Count of Susa, enraged, resigned from the ISA. The hero of the Sedan Rebellion and the Tenth Nordling War, having loved his wife dearly, would only be able to manage living another year without her. Even the Emperor was incensed at his brother’s actions, though he held his tongue in public. The censuring of Princess Imperial Elizabeth in the House of Lords, 1831 The resignation and death of the Count of Susa could not come at a worse time. Experienced, successful, and a hero of the Empire, Iskander Basrid had been the favorite to succeed the failing General Darkwood, whose mismanagement of the ISA had run it into near-ruin by 1830. Although it remained a popular and strong institution by the end of the Norland War, a series of resignations and discharges had decimated the ranks of the army. General Darkwood’s notorious temper and conduct with subordinates had led many loyal soldiers to abandon the force altogether and made prospective troops second-guess joining. The Emperor, again reluctant to intervene, was forced to watch as the once-proud ISA floundered during the years of peace. No help could be found from the nobility, who had grown fat and lazy within the halls of the Augustine Palace, and were ignorant of the severe lack of talent within the ISA. By 1832, only one man could possibly restore the decaying army: The Count of Kositz, who had fought for the Empire with distinction since the Inferi War and had been the Count of Susa’s right hand man. When the aged General Darkwood finally retired that summer, Erik var Ruthern was named the new General and tasked with repairing the ISA. This came just in time, as down south events were unfolding to the south that threatened to drag the Empire into war again. Ever since the betrayal of King Corwin I of Sutica, the city-state had floundered under misrule by the pagan servants of Iblees. Ruler after ruler had prayed to the gods of Hell to fill their homes with citizens, cause their crops to bloom, and fill their empty coffers with coins, but to no avail. Instead, the Lord our God looked favorably upon two individuals: George Barclay, a cousin of the Dukes of Reinmar, and Johanna Alstreim, a distant relation of King Corwin himself. Wishing to liberate her ancestor’s lands from the sin and villainy that gripped it, Johanna assembled an army of mercenaries. George, a man of martial aptitude, led this small force down to Sutica, stormed the city, and purged it of its sinful inhabitants in 1821. The two then crowned themselves King and Queen of Sutica and reigned as co-monarchs. However, since their glorious crusade, their co-reign had been tumultuous at best. King George I, a strong warrior to be sure, cared little for governance and administration. To make matters worse, he was unwilling to abide by his wife’s right to rule, and threatened violence against her were she to exercise her authority. With the far more brilliant mind of Queen Johanna suppressed by coercion, and a man who cared little for ruling at the helm of the nation, the newly-Canonist Sutica suffered. By 1832, however, King George died in a hunting accident, leaving his wife as the sole monarch. In 1834, Queen Johanna took Franz de Sarkozy, the former Imperial Archchancellor, as her consort, given his aptitude for statecraft and willingness to allow her to exercise her full rights as monarch. However, that same year, a small number of pagan vassals in the furthest corners of the Sutican desert, having long-chafed under Canonist rule, revolted in the hopes of toppling their Alstreim overlords. Immediately, the Canonist world was called to come to the defense of Sutica, and it was here that the flaws of the ISA were exposed. General Ruthern, deprived of a steady, experienced officer corps, struggled to find a suitable commander for an Orenian expeditionary force. Eventually, Erik Othaman, the Count of Valles, and Olivie de Savoie, having been a courtier in the Empire for several years after the fall of Luciensburg in 1827 to local bandits, were given command of the expedition. The Kingdom of Haense, on the other hand, was quick to send a small contingent of three-thousand soldiers to their Canonist brother in Sutica, joining with the Sutican army, which numbered seven-hundred. Before the ISA detachment could even arrive in the southern continent, the combined Sutican-Haeseni army had shattered the rebel forces in the Battle of the Rhein on the 12th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1834. By the time that the ISA contingent did arrive, the rebels had surrendered, and there was little else to do besides security operations. Although this appeared to be little more than a mild event in a war of no particular importance, the consequences of this conflict would soon come to plague the end of Emperor John’s reign, and the entirety of his brother’s. Olivier de Savoie, having garnered a reputation for his service in the Tenth Nordling War and the Sedan Rebellion, was offered lands, titles, and a place at the court of Queen Johanna of Sutica, which he readily accepted. When the queen died mere months later, on the 14th of Harren’s Folly, 1835, she bequeathed Sutica not to her sons, nor to any other family, but to Olivier Renault himself, believing that he could lead the newfound Canonist realm to heights that she had died too young to do herself. So it was, a year later, in 1836, that Olivier Renault de Savoie proclaimed the dissolution of the Kingdom of Sutica and the establishment of the Principality of Savoy, and named himself Prince Olivier I of Savoy. As soon as it was announced to the whole of Almaris that Savoy, an old, storied state that was thought to be lost to the annals of history, had now reformed, many flocked to the new capital of San Luciano. Although most of the influx came from Savoyards residing in the various Canonist realms of the world, there was also a substantial number of people who traveled to the principality in order to take advantage of the opportunity a young nation would provide. Although much of the exodus from the Empire would not come until the beginning of Philip II’s reign, many, including Emperor John himself, feared that the rise of a strong Savoyard state could challenge the might of Oren. 1836 also dealt another blow to the Imperial Crown. At the end of that year’s Social Season, an event renowned for its dramatics and controversies, the Prince Philip Amadeus, son of Prince Philip Aurelian, Count of Renzfeld, and grandson of the Duke of Crestfall, was wed to Lady Anastasia vas Ruthern, granddaughter of General Ruthern, the Count of Kositz. The spectacle was said to be one of the greatest in Imperial history, and the wedding attracted perhaps the largest crowd known to date. From Savoy to Haense, Elvenesse to Krugmar, the people of Almaris flocked in droves to see the union of these two popular figures. Although the Duke of Crestfall was quite despised by the Imperial populace, and Philip Aurelian was an obscure figure, Philip Amadeus was beloved by all. Only his peer, the Crown Prince of Haense, Sigismund Karl, could be said to match him in potential and popularity in the eyes of the world. Anastasia Ruthern herself was similarly held in high esteem, and it was predicted by many that she would prove to be one of the more shrewd and energetic consorts to reign when she and Philip’s time came. Comparisons were made between the Imperial pair and Anne Augusta and Joseph Clement, with others believing that they would come to surpass their predecessors. Emperor John, himself not one to miss out on a joyous occasion, conferred the Duchy of Furnestock onto Philip Amadeus and granted the pair a small fleet of ships so that they could tour Almaris. Prince Sigismund of Haense, himself also in attendance, is said to have spoken with the newlyweds, and all three of them excitedly discussed their plans to better the world of Canondom when their time came to sit the thrones of their respective realms. The wedding was a resounding success, and it appeared that, even with the mild difficulties of the past decade, the future of the Empire remained bright. However, only two months after the wedding, the Imperial couple were found to have disappeared from the Empire. A search was conducted, and it was soon discovered that they, along with a handful of retainers, had taken the ships gifted to them by the Emperor and sailed east in search of new lands. The reason behind the infamous flight of Philip and Anastasia is unknown. While the Duke of Furnestock himself, upon his eventual return to Almaris twelve years after, would later claim that he and his new wife did not wish to accept the burdens of the Crown, and instead desired to live a life of obscurity elsewhere, that has not stopped continued speculation. Some believe that the Duke of Furnestock harbored a grudge against his grandfather, the Duke of Crestfall, and had no desire to serve him. Others allege that the Duke and Duchess of Furnestock had been implicated in a plot to either overthrow Emperor John or the Duke of Crestfall, leading either to their preemptive flight or forced exile. Despite the unclear circumstances at the time, the effects of Philip and Anastasia’s departure were felt bitterly. Having accrued a large following throughout the Empire and being seen as the hope of the House of Novellen, their absence left a hole that could not be filled. As with Savoy, the ramifications would soon come to bite the Empire in the back, but not as long as Emperor John held the throne. Unfortunately, that time would not last for much longer. Now eighty years of age, it was clear that the Emperor’s time was soon to come to an end. While the Emperor’s personal involvement in day-to-day affairs had expectedly decreased as he aged, the Council of State had not adequately stepped forth to assume these necessary duties. Archchancellor d’Azor, although having begun his ministry with earnest and zeal that was characteristic of him, was now at the head of a lethargic, slow government. To make matters worse, his rumored involvement in the assassination of his daughter in 1827, and the sudden disappearence of his well-liked Vice Chancellor, Keaghen Armas, caused public opinion to sour on the Nationals. The instruments of state, once renowned for their efficiency, productivity, and ceaseless work, were now beginning to slow down. Seriously-needed reform and rejuvenation was put off for years. Still, the realm enjoyed its peace, and the government, while slow, was not failing. The last months of Emperor John’s reign were without strife or controversy, and his time came to a close, it is said that so too did the last quiet days of the Empire fade with him. On the 12th of Owyn’s Flame, 1837, Emperor John VIII, having battled an illness for the past three days, died quietly that evening. It is claimed by many that the death of his beloved sister, Elizabeth, the wedge driven between him and his brother, Philip, and the departure of the Duke and Duchess of Furnestock, deprived the Emperor of his will to live, and it may be that it is the case. For the last year of his life, the ever-jubilant, affable Emperor sunk into a dour reclusion. He took few guests, ate and drank little, and rarely left the confines of his room. While a broken heart was not the true cause of his death, his living conditions from 1836 to 1837 certainly did not prolong his life. When his death came, Emperor John VIII was widely-mourned by nearly all of the Empire. Although he made no great conquests nor radically altered the nature of his Empire, he had, as his father had advised him to do, reigned capably and securely for twenty-two years. The life of the average Imperial citizen had improved during his reign, and the economy had flourished. Even at the end, when conditions had degraded from their heights in the mid to late 1820s, the effects had yet to truly be felt. Had a man more capable than the Duke of Crestfall ascended the throne after Emperor John, it can be reasonably assumed that the problems that emerged would have been better-addressed. Furthermore, few scholars discuss the impact of the Tenth Nordling War, and how it definitively broke the power of one of the Empire’s more persistent enemies. While the Kingdom of Norland would continue to join coalitions against the Empire, it would do so as a minor partner, and its contributions to any given war effort would remain minimal at best. Even today, Norland remains a husk of the great power it once was. While few rate John VIII as among the greatest of the Emperors, none rank him low, and indeed it can be argued that if one were to live through any point in history, the 1820s stands as one of the better choices. However, this does not entirely exculpate Emperor John from the flaws of his reign, nor does it presume that only the sole actions of his successor cause the Empire to later teeter on the brink of ruin. While Emperor John’s inability to sire an heir has been previously discussed, and will have its consequences examined in full later, Emperor Philip II would have a number of problems to contend with upon his ascension to the throne. A decaying ISA, a lethargic government, a growing rival in Savoy, and the lack of interest in the city government of Providence and the Imperial Diet all began in the 1820s. However, in keeping with the liberal attitude of the Novellens, Emperor John rarely took matters into his own hands. It is here that the greatest failings of liberalized, democratized government begin to show. When power is too greatly delegated to those unfit for the responsibility of it, and possess neither the training nor the innate competence to wield it, the functions of the state wither. Had Emperor John not been so reluctant to sweep aside these supposedly sacred institutions and either reformed them or abolished them as needed, then perhaps the Imperial administrative apparatus would have remained healthy. Furthermore, although this was an unforeseen problem with the general dynastic aim of defeudalization and centralization taken up by the Novellens at large, and not solely a mistake of Emperor John, the growing decadence and uselessness of the aristocracy deprived the Empire of a critical source of talent and manpower. While nobles of before provided service to the Empire as politicians, councillors, and the leaders of armies, in the Petrine Empire they simply paid a small sum of taxes. With a strong ISA, bristling bureaucracy, and functional Diet, the drawbacks of this could be easily overcome, but as those institutions began to crumble, some of the flaws of the great Petrine project began to emerge. Still, it cannot be said that Emperor John VIII’s reign was poor by any measure. While his time is often overlooked in the modern day, given the more exciting events during the reigns of Peter III, Philip II, and Philip III, and he is rarely looked to as a guide by young, energetic monarchs, those who are old and wise frequently consult the deeds and mannerisms of Emperor John. Triumphant in war and peace alike, he accomplished something few monarchs in history, especially those upon Almaris, can claim to have obtained for their own realms. It is for this reason that, despite its problems, his reign ought not to be looked upon with a cynical, loathsome lens, but instead be appreciated as one of the last times the Empire enjoyed its unmatched supremacy in the world. Vale, John VIII ‘the Good’ 3rd of Horen’s Calling, 1757-12th of Owyn’s Flame, 1837 (r. 23rd of Sun’s Smile, 1814-12th of Owyn’s Flame, 1837) O Ágioi Kristoff, Jude kai Pius. Dóste mas gnósi ópos sas ékane o Theós. Poté min afísoume na doúme to skotádi, allá as doúme móno to fos tis sofías kai tis alítheias. O Theós na se evlogeí. The reign of Emperor Philip II and the Aster Revolution shall be covered in our next volume of The Decline and Fall of the Holy Orenian Empire.

Paul Temesch, Regent, grinned broadly as he signed the edict - even as he was made to do it in five colors. "To the future."

Paul Temesch receives the new edict from the recently-reopened tavern of the Petran township - he grins broadly, clasping his hands together (and giving his poorly family, midway through their breakfast of jam and bread, a scare).