bickando

A smile broke across Paul's face as he passed his daughter's room - on his way out of the castle, towards the gathering place of the state leadership. "Enumerating further rights of the general knights, however nepotistic it may seem?" The man commented as he entered the tavern. "Or - further on these subjects - demanding certain trials of knighthood? Or do you think that needn't be law?" @Lyonharted @MCVDK @AndrewTech

THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE HOLY ORENIAN EMPIRE: Volume VII; Glory and Decay Written by Justinian Nafis, heir to the County of Susa and Adolphus Gloriana, Earl of Suffolk, Prince of Sutica Glory and Decay “If this kingdom of apostates insists upon bloodying the pages of mankind’s history once more, then we will meet them in battle. They will be recorded as a footnote, another in a long list of evil and impossible attempts to foil Providence. We will repel this invasion, as we have all others.” - The Imperial Response to the Tenth Nordling War, Emperor John VIII The reign of Emperor John VIII marked the apex of the Petrine ideology. While Joseph II was able to fully-realize the dream of defeudalization, extensive bureaucracy, and centralization that had begun with Peter III, he did not live to see the fruits of his toils. This reward, though also a task in itself, fell to his eldest son. Under John, he was able to maintain the systems of Pertine governance and demonstrate the might of a unified Empire during the 10th Nordling War. However, cracks began to break the peaceful stability that has come to define his reign. Towards the end of his life, government stagnation, an unpopular heir, and a lack of reforms threatened the future strength of the Empire. Despite this, he remains one of the more beloved personalities to sit atop the throne, and it is said that the common man of Oren did not live a better life than under Emperor John VIII. The ascension of John Charles, the Duke of Helena, to the Orenian throne was a long-awaited event. At the age of fifty six, he was among the oldest men in history to ascend to the throne, though the ascension of his brother, Philip Augustus, at the age of seventy-eight stands as the clear record. Unlike the latter, though, it was evident that John VIII was well-prepared for his position. Although he did not have the same extensive judicial and governmental experience as his father, he had served in the ISA since the Sutica War. Although he never rose past lieutenant, and did not see major combat, he had served well and ably in each Imperial conflict and had earned the respect of the citizenry and soldiery for it. Additionally, throughout his parent’s reign he had often sat in on council meetings, and by the end of his father’s reign he had served as regent. Immediately upon his ascension to the Imperial throne, the question of succession was the pressing issue of the day. As a young man, the future Emperor had been betrothed to Lady Irene Ruthern, the daughter of the Count of Metterden. However, on the eve of their wedding, Irene Ruthern vanished without warning, leaving the young John Charles without a bride (Irene Ruthern herself would later emerge and occupy a substantial position in Haeseni politics as Lady Speaker of the Duma. She would eventually marry Franz de Sarkozy in 1803 before being executed in 1814 after her attempted assassination of King Heinrik II of Haense). In the search for a suitable wife for the Duke of Helena, Wilhelmina Helvets, the daughter of the Duke of Cathalon and a prominent lady of the Imperial Court, was chosen. However, this marriage was infamous for its lovelessness, betrayal, and spitefulness. The pair could hardly be near each other, and Wilhelmina often threw herself headfirst into petty plots and schemes. They had no issue, though Wilhelmina had several by multiple men, and in 1814, on the eve of Emperor Joseph II’s death, the two were officially divorced. John VIII’s lack of a proper heir gave rise to slanderous rumors, even in his time. Although many originate from Wilhelmina Helvets and her allies in court, it was a commonly-held belief that the Emperor had greater fondness for men than women. As John Charles was often found with male courtiers during the late hours of the night, and never female courtiers, the rumors were only stoked. However, these accusations are simply lies. It is well-known that he fathered an illegitimate son in 1803 by the beautiful Theresa Mae Halcourt. Indeed, it seems that the reason John Charles never took readily to women is that he was so greatly attracted to the female sex that he refused to lay with a woman who met his great standards, unmatched by any other man before or since. Because he was so greatly attracted to women, his wife, Wilhelmina, simply could not meet these standards, and thus he refused to conduct his duties within the spousal bedroom. Regardless, the Emperor’s lack of a legitimate child, unwillingness to marry after his divorce, and advanced age, meant that his brother, Philip Augustus, the Duke of Crestfall, stood as his heir-presumptive. While it can be said that Philip Augustus held strongly to his faith in the Lord, few other compliments have been paid his way. Reviled by the Orenian populace, commoner and noble alike, and ill-prepared for the throne, many begged Emperor John to sire legitimate progeny or otherwise remove his younger brother from the succession, legally or otherwise. While the problems stemming from this ill-fated succession would not emerge until near the end of Emperor John’s reign, it hung over the Empire as a specter of a bleak future. Despite the attention given to his inability to sire an heir, succession was not the sole problem that arose during the start of Emperor John’s reign, nor was it the most dangerous. The first four years of his reign began well and peacefully, owing to the successes of his predecessor in stamping out the most prominent rebellious sentiments within the Empire. The new Archchancellor, Ledicourt d’Azor, and his Council of State, managed the realm ably and with little difficulty. Save for one issue in 1815, when Tiberius Hartcold, a traitor to the Empire who had fought with the Sedanites during their rebellion, was captured and executed by the Emperor via nailing a wig to his head, little disturbed the peace of the realm. It appeared to many that Emperor John’s reign would take the course of his father’s, though perhaps with even fewer disturbances. Little did the people of Oren know, the events of the coming years would make this hope short-lived. The prelude to the Tenth Nordling War began with the visit of an unnamed fatherist priest to Providence in 1816. A fatalistic and evangelist sort, the preacher took to the streets to proclaim that the end times were near and that the Empire would soon sink into a sea of fire. The populace of Providence, staunchly Canonist and righteously annoyed with the priest’s antics, savagely beat the man for his false-prophecies. By the time a few ISA soldiers arrived to apprehend him, he was on the verge of death. Later that night he would perish while confined to a cell within the Bastion. The second, more infamous, incident occurred several months later, and is subject to much scrutiny and controversy. The official narrative, propagated by the Kingdom of Norland and used as the defining casus belli for the coming war, states that brigands from a group called the Sons of Horen raided a few farmstead on the outskirts of Norland, slaughtering several cattle and injuring a farmhand. According to both Norland and the Sons of Horen themselves, the latter had ties to the Empire and the Canonist Church, and was said to be acting on their orders. The Empire and the Church disputed these accusations, alleging that the Sons of Horen, a group that had never been heard of before, was created by Norland to stage a false-flag attack against themselves to justify a war against Oren. A handful of later historians, utilizing census information found on a few supposed Sons of Horen, believe the attacks to have been staged by lingering elements of the Josephite Mafia (though the Josephite Party had officially been disbanded by this point). A Norlandic replication of their sacred burning bush. Said to be the most advanced work of art in Norlandic history, date unknown By 1817, the ruling King of Norland, Sven Edvardsson II, had what he needed to make his demands. On the 13th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1817, he officially released a series of demands to the Empire, foremost among them being reparations for the slaying of the fatherist priest and the damages dealt by the Sons of Horen raid. Himself having ascended to the throne just a year earlier, the bellicose and warlike Sven desired to cement his rule by uniting the disparate clans and factions of Norland against the Empire. Additionally, since the expulsion of Haense from the Empire in 1786, the three powers of Norland, Haense, and Urguan had been consistently joined together in an alliance known as the Iron Accord. Sven II believed that upon declaring war on the Empire the rest of the Iron Accord would come to his support, but he was woefully wrong. Inexperienced and ill-trained in matters of war and politics, the King Sven would soon be dismayed to find out that Norland would fight the coming war alone. Knowing that war was soon to come, Emperor John made immediate preparations to mobilize the Empire. The ISA, though still strong, had been subject to untimely resignations and budget cuts in the aftermath of the Sedan Rebellion, as it seemed peace had been well-secured. The well-liked and esteemed General Peter d’Arkent, Duke of Sunholdt, had died in 1814 of old age. His replacement as General, William Darkwood, the Baron of Darkwood, was a loyal, hardworking, and experienced man; however, his time as an officer had been spent managing logistics, not soldiers and combat. Few of his subordinates liked or respected him as they had General DeNurem or General d’Arkent, and he was a below-average battlefield tactician and campaign strategist at best. Knowing the limitations of the current ISA leadership, the Emperor appointed Iskander Basrid, Count of Susa and hero of the Sedan Rebellion, as Field Marshal. A popular figure within the Empire, and the husband of the equally-beloved Princess Imperial, Elizabeth Anne, the Count of Susa was the perfect man to lead the war effort. Although he was only a major in the ISA, his appointment as Field Marshal gave Iskander effective control of the entirety of the Empire’s military resources. To supplement the current ISA forces and give his new Field Marshal an effective fighting force, the Emperor also tasked the retired Franz Sarkozy and Simon Pruvia, the Viscount of Provins, with finding mercenaries and allies. The official declaration of war came on the 13th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1818. A day later, the garrison of Southbridge came under attack by a raiding party of nine-hundred Norlanders. Having been led to allied Urguan weeks in advance in preparation for the official declaration of war, the Norlandic force caught the garrison of Southbridge by surprise, driving them out despite possessing fewer numbers. However, the fighting was restricted to a few volleys of arrow fire, which resulted only in a few minor injuries. Led in person by Donovan Freysson, their tribal war leader, Norland had scored the first victory of the war. It would turn out to be a minor affair, though, as after ransacking Southbridge, the raiding party was forced to withdraw back into Urguan after receiving word of a large ISA force bearing down on them. Urguan’s role in the war, though expected to be large, turned out to be fairly minor. Caught unaware by King Sven’s sudden declaration of war, the Underking had not yet mobilized the clans of Urguan and made war preparations. Furthermore, several years of drought, crop failures, and economic instability had rendered Urguan unable to effectively field a large army for the time being. Although small bands of dwarves could be spotted joining their Norlandic allies, and Urguan officially announced that it would honor the terms of the Iron Accord and join Norland in the war against the Empire, the Underrealm did little more throughout the war than serve as a staging ground for various Norlandic raiding parties. A further blow to King Sven’s cause was dealt when Haense signed the Greyspine Convention with the Empire, a pact of neutrality officially mediated by High Pontiff Jude II. Fearing defeat were he to join Norland without Urguan’s support, and not wishing to join a pagan offensive against a Canonist nation, King Heinrik II of Haense agreed to refrain from joining the war in exchange for the promise that no Canonists would be harmed. It is said that when he received the news, the Norlandic King broke down into a nervous wreck. Without his two strongest allies, Norland would be forced to fight the war alone, though they did receive substantial support from the Ferrymen mercenaries. Emperor John, on the other hand, found himself enjoying a strong position. A week after his treaty with Haense was concluded, he received word from the Viscount of Pruvia that the Consul Olivier Renault de Savoie of the Free City of Luciensburg had agreed to lead his personal mercenary company, the Metinan Company, in support of the Empire in exchange for some monetary considerations. Although Luciensburg was a young city, founded by Savoyards exiled from the Empire in the aftermath of the Sedan Rebellion, the Metinan Company was professional, disciplined, and effective. For his part, Olivier Renault had little love for Norland and was sympathetic to the Empire, only joining the rebellion against it in the hopes of restoring it to its past glory. With this contract formed, Emperor John now had a strong core to augment the ISA regulars. The Empire’s strike back came on the 1st of Tobias’s Bounty, 1818, in the dead of winter. The Count of Susa, leading a small Imperial raiding party of a thousand men, rode through the Duchy of Elysium, the largest and most powerful of Norland’s vassals, putting the main city to the torch and capturing the Duke of Elysium himself without losing a man. When the Duke of Elysium was brought back to Providence, it was advised by Archchancellor d’Azor and Franz de Sarkozy that he be executed, but Prince Philip, the Duke of Crestfall, overruled the two. He made the Duke of Elysium sign a treaty officially withdrawing from the war before setting him free (the Duke of Elysium would later renege on the treaty, citing that his signature had been made while under duress). The next year, 1819, was marked by small-scale raids and skirmishes fought between the professional cores of the Imperial and Norlandic armies as both nations mobilized their full might. Both nations burnt farmsteads, villages, and mills as they sought to demoralize the populace of the opposition. Much of the Lower Petra and the Grenz of the Empire was left in ruin, though not irreparably so, while almost the whole of Norland was sacked at some point or another. On the 16th of Horen’s Calling, 1819, the Count of Susa led a force of one-thousand to raid Elysium again, but was ambushed by a force of over two-thousand led by the Duke of Elysium. Outnumbered and taken by surprise, the Count of Susa commanded a stout retreat, killing nearly a thousand Elysians while suffering only a few hundred casualties of his own, but was forced back into the Grenz. Donovan Freysson’s raid into Providence on the 13th of Godfrey's Triumph, the first anniversary of the start of the war, was far more successful. Storming a few undermanned, outlying forts protecting Providence, Donovan’s force of one-thousand two-hundred killed and wounded nearly one-thousand three-hundred ISA soldiers and came close to capturing the Archchancellor. It was only the intervention of the city garrison itself that forced the Norlanders to withdraw to Urguan. A few more minor skirmishes were fought throughout the year, but few were decisive. The next year, 1820, saw more of the same, though it was here that the war’s longest battle was fought. From the 7th to the 8th of Tobias’s Bounty, a force of around one-thousand two-hundred Norlandic-Ferrymen raiders led by Donovan Freysson fought bitterly with an army of three-thousand five-hundred ISA-Metinan soldiers commanded by Olivier de Savoie. Around the towns and farms lining the Southern Highway of the Lower Petra, the two forces did battle. While Donovan’s force performed admirably against the larger Imperial army, they were worn down over the course of the two days’ worth of fighting and were forced to retreat. Despite both sides having seen their fair share of successes, it was evident that the Imperial’s overwhelming advantage in manpower was the decisive factor. As King Sven gathered his army, Donovan’s own raiding parties grew smaller and smaller. By the spring of 1821, the war chief received word from his king that in a few months’ time the Norlandic host would be marching south to join forces with Urguan, which had managed to raise a small army of its own. Donovan protested this action, advising the king that it would be wiser to prepare Norland’s defenses for an imminent Imperial invasion, which would come with a larger army than they could muster. The king, desiring a quick blow to end the war, rejected these plans, and authorized one last raid into the Empire before the war chief was to join the main Norlandic host. This raid would come on the 17th of Horen’s Calling, 1821. Having already ridden north to take command of the main army, Donovan Freysson had allowed the Ferrymen one last raid into Providence, ostensibly to disrupt the mustering of the Imperial army. However, unbeknownst to the war chief, plans of the Norlandic march south had been intercepted by the Viscount of Provins and Anastasia O’Rourke, the Countess of Halstaig, who had relayed the information to the Count of Susa. Not wishing to squander the opportunity to smash the Norlandic host before they could unite with Urguan, the Count of Susa and Emperor John himself had departed with the main Orenian army mere days before the Ferrymen raiding force had arrived. When they did finally reach Providence, they were surrounded and slaughtered by the city garrison, led by Erik var Ruthern, the Count of Kositz. This would be the penultimate action of the war, and the last threat to Providence itself for over thirty years. The final battle would come on the 4th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1821, at the Battle of Outer Arentania. Unaware of the incoming Imperial force, the King of Norland had ordered his army, numbering about four-thousand two-hundred, to march through the outer edges of the Empire in order to reach Urguan faster. Although winter had set in further north, the first snows had yet to reach the center of Almaris, and the terrain was still suitable for marching. On the eve of the 3rd of Tobias’s Bounty, the Norlandic army had come to a stop in a valley surrounded by great hills on each side in order to camp for the night. King Sven, against the advice of his chief war leaders, had refused to send out any scouts or place pickets around his camp, believing his army to be completely safe. The Emperor and the Count of Susa had reached the area just hours after the Norlanders, and the two had wasted no time making preparations in the dead of night. Although Emperor John was in nominal command of the Imperial army, he lacked battlefield experience and had not seen action for years. True command was given to the Count of Susa, who, through consultation with his staff and the Emperor, devised a plan to bait the outnumbered Norlanders into a trap. Possessing an army numbering nine-thousand four-hundred, the Count of Susa ordered it to be split, with one-thousand six-hundred men of the Metinan Company taking positions on the hills to the south and the rest laying in wait near the more rugged cliffs to the east. The smaller force, to be led by Olivier de Savoie, would pose as an isolated raiding party and bait the Norlandic host into charging uphill, while the rest of the army, led by Iskander himself, would swing around and hit the Norlanders from the rear and flank. From the east, cannonade fire, directed by the Countess of Halstaig, would pin the Norlanders in place and keep them from fleeing. After the plan was confirmed by the Emperor, orders were distributed, and the men and women of the Imperial army went silently to their assigned places under the cover of night, not alerting the Norlanders. At dawn the following morning, the Norlandic host awoke to see a small force of Imperials, less than a third their own size, shouting and jeering at them from atop the southern hills. Fearing it was a trap, Donovan Freysson and some of the older clan chiefs advised King Sven to pull back atop one of the hills and take a defensive position. The Norlandic King merely laughed and accused them of cowardice. Instead, he took the advice of his younger, more impetuous vassals to heart. He gave the order to prepare the army to advance south and sweep past this meager force. Within two hours it was done, and the king gave the signal to advance. From the cliffs to the east, the Count of Susa grinned while his own men suppressed their cheers. The Norlandic foot had made it halfway up the hill to meet Olivier de Savoie’s force when suddenly horns, drums, and shouts from the east could be heard. Within minutes, over the rolling hills, the great second force of the Imperials, numbering seven-thousand eight-hundred, could be seen bearing down on the Norlandic host with Iskander Basird, dressed in brilliant gold-encrusted armor bearing the sigil of his house, at the head. It is said that upon seeing that he had been trapped, King Sven II took the fastest destrier he had and fled immediately, sparking confusion within his ranks. Not knowing whether to retreat with their king, brace for impact, or continue to advance, the Norlanders fell into a confused panic. Donovan Freysson attempted to rally the army to make a fighting withdrawal, but they were soon struck from the front by Olivier de Savoie and his portion of the army. Moments later, the advance elements of the main Imperial host had reached the rear and flank of the Norlandic army, pinning them against the Metinans. Well-placed cannon-fire from the Imperials struck the very center of the Norlanders ranks, turning the confused mess into a sheer panic. Overlooking the battle from the cliffs of the east, where the artillery had been placed, was Emperor John VIII. According to popular rumor, he had made a bet with the Count of Susa and General Darkwood as to how quick the battle would be. The Count of Susa had predicted under five minutes, General Darkwood had predicted within five to seven minutes, and the Emperor had predicted within seven to ten minutes. Keeping track of the time, the Emperor recorded the battle as having taken five minutes and seventeen seconds, giving rise to the popular moniker The Five Minute Battle, for the Battle of Outer Arentania. It is also said that after receiving his winnings from the Count of Susa and the Emperor, General Darkwood bought a month’s supply of wine for each of his men who had participated in the battle (perhaps the only time he enjoyed the popular support of the ISA). Emperor John VIII overlooking the Battle of Outer Arentania, 1821 Whether the account of Emperor John’s time-taking is truthful, it cannot be denied that the Battle of Outer Arentania was one of the quickest engagements in known history. Within minutes, the Norlandic host had been shattered: around four-thousand one-hundred of the men who had marched south with King Sven lay dead, missing, or captured in the aftermath. Among them was Donovan Freysson, who had been captured by Olivier de Savoie personally after a duel between the two of them. The losses by the Imperials were minimal, though most had been suffered by the Metinan Company, who fought primarily against the Ferrymen mercenaries, perhaps the stiffest resistance to be found in the Norlandic army that day. By the next day, the Imperials resumed their march towards the border of Norland, preparing to invade the kingdom. It would never come, as within days of the expected Imperial offensive into Norland, King Sven offered terms of peace. Norland would withdraw from the Iron Accord, cease all expansion to the south and the east, and pay forty-thousand minae to the Empire in reparations. The Emperor agreed to a ceasefire, and for the next two years the two sides would haggle and negotiate, but by the end the terms would remain the same, save for some minor additional territorial clauses. In this time, the Metinan Company, reeling from their losses, threatened mutiny against Olivier Renault, citing unpaid wages. The Savoyard was forced to disband the company and return home to quell internal tensions within Luciensburg, which had suffered adverse economic effects from the war. Despite this, the ISA remained strong, and additional recruits were drawn from the Grenz to supplement them. However, they were unneeded, as on the 9th of the Sun’s Smile, 1823, Emperor John officially announced that the peace talks had been concluded. The ISA, which had been stationed outside of the Norlandic border on-and-off for two years, was finally allowed to demobilize and return home. Two months later, on the 10th of Sigismund’s End, the Treaty of Providence was signed, officially ending the war. Despite the immediate challenge that he had faced upon ascending to the throne, Emperor John had acquitted himself well in the conflict. The whole of the Empire had rallied around the war effort, and Norland’s overwhelming defeat in the war had broken its power. Even today, the kingdom has not recovered from the loss of manpower, prestige, and honor from their failed invasion of the Empire. So thorough was Emperor John’s victory that an entire week was devoted to games, festivities, and feasts in honor of the victory. The strength of the Empire had been proven once again, and it seemed that a new age of glory would soon be upon Oren. The atmosphere was jubilant, the ISA was bristling with new recruits, the economy, boosted by Norland’s reparations, was booming, and the courts were consistently filled with the dazzling lords and ladies of the realm, all enjoying the fruits of triumph. However, famously, or infamously, the rest of Emperor John VIII’s reign would be characterized by the same quietness and stability that had been expected of it at the start. His reign is best-known for the Tenth Nordling War, but it only occupied five of his twenty-three years of rule. What, then, can be said of the remainder of his reign? In truth, it is little much, and it is these years that the harshest critics of his reign point to. While this period was a peaceful, prosperous one, it also was plagued by a decline in the ISA, the looming succession of the unpopular Duke of Crestfall, the stagnation of the government, and a plummeting interest and participation in the Imperial Diet, and the Rosemoor Movement. One understated issue to emerge came from within the Church. Tragically, the sensible and prudent High Pontiff Jude II had been assassinated by Norlandic agents in 1820, which made him a martyr to the Imperial cause and drove several members of the clergy to more openly support the Empire. However, this void was one that could not be filled, as with Jude II died the line of pragmatists that had governed the Church (save the interruption with Owyn III) starting with High Pontiff Pontian II in 1702. To follow would come a line of Haeseni Pontiffs, primarily from the House Barclay, who were far more interested in attempting to expand the Church’s social and political influence. Jude II’s successor, Tylos I, was an archconservative, former soldier and politician in Haense, and possessed little of the sense and diligence of his predecessor. For fifteen years he absently sat atop the Pontifical throne, doing little, harming the Church, and causing the faith’s influence to wane in the Empire. While Emperor John wished to continue the policy of his forebears by refraining from joining in political affairs, the deteriorating religious situation gave rise to political factions inspired by Tylos I’s cultural beliefs, but repulsed by his laziness. The Risorgimentists and Adrianites were both reactionary parties that attempted to form in the late 1820s. Conservative, despising liberal thought and institutions, and devout followers of the faith, they sought to take charge of the Empire’s moral and spiritual character where the Church had failed by radically altering society and returning it to its more feudal, decentralized roots. The Emperor, a staunch opponent of those who sought to alter the status quo, heavily suppressed the two parties and their associate organizations across the Empire. From the dissolution of the Josephite Party in 1815, the government had been dominated by Ledicort d’Azor’s National Party ever since. However, by the middle of Emperor John’s reign, a breakdown of interest in the Diet had become a noticeable issue. With opposition parties either being repressed by the government or struggling to win against the Nationals, few except the most staunch allies of Archchancellor d’Azor continued to take interest in politics. Election after election, voter turnout plummeted, incompetent candidates found seats in the House of Commons, and few bills were produced from the Diet, and fewer still sensible enough to be approved by the Emperor. Many began to regard the Diet as a useless institution, good for little else than rubber-stamping the agenda of the Azor Ministry, which was itself beginning to lose the ambition it had set out with, but events in the late 1820s turned this around. We speak, of course, about the Rosemoor Movement. The Rosemoor Movement had its roots in the activism of The Princess Imperial and Countess of Rosemoor, Elizabeth Anne. Elizabeth Anne, having herself served in the ISA and the House of Lords, and having seen her mother perform the duties of an Empress-regnant admirably, began to question why the laws of inheritance within Oren favored men. At that time, the Empire, along with most other nations of Almaris, followed a system of male-preference primogeniture. The titles and properties of a deceased lord or lady would be given to their eldest son, regardless of whether he had elder sisters or not. If the son had died, but not his son, then the titles would be given to him, and so on. Only if there were no male descendants to be found could the eldest daughter inherit. Elizabeth Anne, joined by many other prominent noblewomen in the Empire, among them Claude Elizabeth de Savoie, daughter of Olivier de Savoie, Alina Basrid, and Anastasia Victoria vas Ruthern, granddaughter of Count Erik of Kositz and the future Empress Anastasia, began a movement in support of the ‘Rosemoor Bill’, which was a bill authored by the Princess Imperial herself that would give women equal inheritance rights as men. This movement was bitterly contested by the more conservative elements of the nobility, chief among them the Duke of Cathalon. Others, such as the Viscount of Provins and the Archancellor (now sitting in the House of Lords as the Count of Azor) did not necessarily oppose the movement, but disagreed with the wording of the bill. The Emperor himself was partial to his older sister’s cause, but did not want to intervene entirely, and instead left the matter to the House of Lords. However, the Rosemoor Movement was growing, and weekly street demonstrations, rallies, and organized events made the issue of equal-sex succession the most prominent topic in the Empire. This worried the Duke of Crestfall in particular, who, as the head of the House of Lords, had significant sway over whether the bill would pass or not. During his brother’s reign, the power of the nobility had been reduced to its lowest point, and the nobility of the Empire was mostly constrained to the Augustine Palace, where they were kept docile and useless. Save a few prominent peers who joined the ISA and partook in politics, the majority of the aristocracy, until now, had been content with their soft lifestyle, exerting themselves only for the many balls and feasts hosted. If they could be mobilized so effectively here, then they could be mobilized against the Crown in an effort to champion other privileges they desired, so thought Philip Augustus. It was here that he resolved to end the Rosemoor Movement. During a session of the House of Lords in the waning winter months of 1830, the Princess Imperial officially brought the Rosemoor Bill to the floor of the legislative body. For hours it was debated over, and, just as a vote was to be taken, the Duke of Crestfall paused the proceedings. Using his powers as head of the House of Lords, he castigated his elder sister for taking to the streets with her political whims and attempting to weaponize public opinion in an effort to have the Rosemoor Bill passed. He immediately held a vote to censure Elizabeth Anne and prevent a vote from taking place on her bill. Supported by a number of conservative members of the House of Lords, the motion passed, and the Princess Imperial was barred from speaking for the rest of the session. This betrayal from her own brother struck grief into her heart and sparked outrage from nearly all the public. This only grew when, mere weeks later, the Princess Imperial was announced to have died. The Duke of Crestfall attempted to defend his actions, citing their legality, but public opinion against him had sunk. The Count of Susa, enraged, resigned from the ISA. The hero of the Sedan Rebellion and the Tenth Nordling War, having loved his wife dearly, would only be able to manage living another year without her. Even the Emperor was incensed at his brother’s actions, though he held his tongue in public. The censuring of Princess Imperial Elizabeth in the House of Lords, 1831 The resignation and death of the Count of Susa could not come at a worse time. Experienced, successful, and a hero of the Empire, Iskander Basrid had been the favorite to succeed the failing General Darkwood, whose mismanagement of the ISA had run it into near-ruin by 1830. Although it remained a popular and strong institution by the end of the Norland War, a series of resignations and discharges had decimated the ranks of the army. General Darkwood’s notorious temper and conduct with subordinates had led many loyal soldiers to abandon the force altogether and made prospective troops second-guess joining. The Emperor, again reluctant to intervene, was forced to watch as the once-proud ISA floundered during the years of peace. No help could be found from the nobility, who had grown fat and lazy within the halls of the Augustine Palace, and were ignorant of the severe lack of talent within the ISA. By 1832, only one man could possibly restore the decaying army: The Count of Kositz, who had fought for the Empire with distinction since the Inferi War and had been the Count of Susa’s right hand man. When the aged General Darkwood finally retired that summer, Erik var Ruthern was named the new General and tasked with repairing the ISA. This came just in time, as down south events were unfolding to the south that threatened to drag the Empire into war again. Ever since the betrayal of King Corwin I of Sutica, the city-state had floundered under misrule by the pagan servants of Iblees. Ruler after ruler had prayed to the gods of Hell to fill their homes with citizens, cause their crops to bloom, and fill their empty coffers with coins, but to no avail. Instead, the Lord our God looked favorably upon two individuals: George Barclay, a cousin of the Dukes of Reinmar, and Johanna Alstreim, a distant relation of King Corwin himself. Wishing to liberate her ancestor’s lands from the sin and villainy that gripped it, Johanna assembled an army of mercenaries. George, a man of martial aptitude, led this small force down to Sutica, stormed the city, and purged it of its sinful inhabitants in 1821. The two then crowned themselves King and Queen of Sutica and reigned as co-monarchs. However, since their glorious crusade, their co-reign had been tumultuous at best. King George I, a strong warrior to be sure, cared little for governance and administration. To make matters worse, he was unwilling to abide by his wife’s right to rule, and threatened violence against her were she to exercise her authority. With the far more brilliant mind of Queen Johanna suppressed by coercion, and a man who cared little for ruling at the helm of the nation, the newly-Canonist Sutica suffered. By 1832, however, King George died in a hunting accident, leaving his wife as the sole monarch. In 1834, Queen Johanna took Franz de Sarkozy, the former Imperial Archchancellor, as her consort, given his aptitude for statecraft and willingness to allow her to exercise her full rights as monarch. However, that same year, a small number of pagan vassals in the furthest corners of the Sutican desert, having long-chafed under Canonist rule, revolted in the hopes of toppling their Alstreim overlords. Immediately, the Canonist world was called to come to the defense of Sutica, and it was here that the flaws of the ISA were exposed. General Ruthern, deprived of a steady, experienced officer corps, struggled to find a suitable commander for an Orenian expeditionary force. Eventually, Erik Othaman, the Count of Valles, and Olivie de Savoie, having been a courtier in the Empire for several years after the fall of Luciensburg in 1827 to local bandits, were given command of the expedition. The Kingdom of Haense, on the other hand, was quick to send a small contingent of three-thousand soldiers to their Canonist brother in Sutica, joining with the Sutican army, which numbered seven-hundred. Before the ISA detachment could even arrive in the southern continent, the combined Sutican-Haeseni army had shattered the rebel forces in the Battle of the Rhein on the 12th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1834. By the time that the ISA contingent did arrive, the rebels had surrendered, and there was little else to do besides security operations. Although this appeared to be little more than a mild event in a war of no particular importance, the consequences of this conflict would soon come to plague the end of Emperor John’s reign, and the entirety of his brother’s. Olivier de Savoie, having garnered a reputation for his service in the Tenth Nordling War and the Sedan Rebellion, was offered lands, titles, and a place at the court of Queen Johanna of Sutica, which he readily accepted. When the queen died mere months later, on the 14th of Harren’s Folly, 1835, she bequeathed Sutica not to her sons, nor to any other family, but to Olivier Renault himself, believing that he could lead the newfound Canonist realm to heights that she had died too young to do herself. So it was, a year later, in 1836, that Olivier Renault de Savoie proclaimed the dissolution of the Kingdom of Sutica and the establishment of the Principality of Savoy, and named himself Prince Olivier I of Savoy. As soon as it was announced to the whole of Almaris that Savoy, an old, storied state that was thought to be lost to the annals of history, had now reformed, many flocked to the new capital of San Luciano. Although most of the influx came from Savoyards residing in the various Canonist realms of the world, there was also a substantial number of people who traveled to the principality in order to take advantage of the opportunity a young nation would provide. Although much of the exodus from the Empire would not come until the beginning of Philip II’s reign, many, including Emperor John himself, feared that the rise of a strong Savoyard state could challenge the might of Oren. 1836 also dealt another blow to the Imperial Crown. At the end of that year’s Social Season, an event renowned for its dramatics and controversies, the Prince Philip Amadeus, son of Prince Philip Aurelian, Count of Renzfeld, and grandson of the Duke of Crestfall, was wed to Lady Anastasia vas Ruthern, granddaughter of General Ruthern, the Count of Kositz. The spectacle was said to be one of the greatest in Imperial history, and the wedding attracted perhaps the largest crowd known to date. From Savoy to Haense, Elvenesse to Krugmar, the people of Almaris flocked in droves to see the union of these two popular figures. Although the Duke of Crestfall was quite despised by the Imperial populace, and Philip Aurelian was an obscure figure, Philip Amadeus was beloved by all. Only his peer, the Crown Prince of Haense, Sigismund Karl, could be said to match him in potential and popularity in the eyes of the world. Anastasia Ruthern herself was similarly held in high esteem, and it was predicted by many that she would prove to be one of the more shrewd and energetic consorts to reign when she and Philip’s time came. Comparisons were made between the Imperial pair and Anne Augusta and Joseph Clement, with others believing that they would come to surpass their predecessors. Emperor John, himself not one to miss out on a joyous occasion, conferred the Duchy of Furnestock onto Philip Amadeus and granted the pair a small fleet of ships so that they could tour Almaris. Prince Sigismund of Haense, himself also in attendance, is said to have spoken with the newlyweds, and all three of them excitedly discussed their plans to better the world of Canondom when their time came to sit the thrones of their respective realms. The wedding was a resounding success, and it appeared that, even with the mild difficulties of the past decade, the future of the Empire remained bright. However, only two months after the wedding, the Imperial couple were found to have disappeared from the Empire. A search was conducted, and it was soon discovered that they, along with a handful of retainers, had taken the ships gifted to them by the Emperor and sailed east in search of new lands. The reason behind the infamous flight of Philip and Anastasia is unknown. While the Duke of Furnestock himself, upon his eventual return to Almaris twelve years after, would later claim that he and his new wife did not wish to accept the burdens of the Crown, and instead desired to live a life of obscurity elsewhere, that has not stopped continued speculation. Some believe that the Duke of Furnestock harbored a grudge against his grandfather, the Duke of Crestfall, and had no desire to serve him. Others allege that the Duke and Duchess of Furnestock had been implicated in a plot to either overthrow Emperor John or the Duke of Crestfall, leading either to their preemptive flight or forced exile. Despite the unclear circumstances at the time, the effects of Philip and Anastasia’s departure were felt bitterly. Having accrued a large following throughout the Empire and being seen as the hope of the House of Novellen, their absence left a hole that could not be filled. As with Savoy, the ramifications would soon come to bite the Empire in the back, but not as long as Emperor John held the throne. Unfortunately, that time would not last for much longer. Now eighty years of age, it was clear that the Emperor’s time was soon to come to an end. While the Emperor’s personal involvement in day-to-day affairs had expectedly decreased as he aged, the Council of State had not adequately stepped forth to assume these necessary duties. Archchancellor d’Azor, although having begun his ministry with earnest and zeal that was characteristic of him, was now at the head of a lethargic, slow government. To make matters worse, his rumored involvement in the assassination of his daughter in 1827, and the sudden disappearence of his well-liked Vice Chancellor, Keaghen Armas, caused public opinion to sour on the Nationals. The instruments of state, once renowned for their efficiency, productivity, and ceaseless work, were now beginning to slow down. Seriously-needed reform and rejuvenation was put off for years. Still, the realm enjoyed its peace, and the government, while slow, was not failing. The last months of Emperor John’s reign were without strife or controversy, and his time came to a close, it is said that so too did the last quiet days of the Empire fade with him. On the 12th of Owyn’s Flame, 1837, Emperor John VIII, having battled an illness for the past three days, died quietly that evening. It is claimed by many that the death of his beloved sister, Elizabeth, the wedge driven between him and his brother, Philip, and the departure of the Duke and Duchess of Furnestock, deprived the Emperor of his will to live, and it may be that it is the case. For the last year of his life, the ever-jubilant, affable Emperor sunk into a dour reclusion. He took few guests, ate and drank little, and rarely left the confines of his room. While a broken heart was not the true cause of his death, his living conditions from 1836 to 1837 certainly did not prolong his life. When his death came, Emperor John VIII was widely-mourned by nearly all of the Empire. Although he made no great conquests nor radically altered the nature of his Empire, he had, as his father had advised him to do, reigned capably and securely for twenty-two years. The life of the average Imperial citizen had improved during his reign, and the economy had flourished. Even at the end, when conditions had degraded from their heights in the mid to late 1820s, the effects had yet to truly be felt. Had a man more capable than the Duke of Crestfall ascended the throne after Emperor John, it can be reasonably assumed that the problems that emerged would have been better-addressed. Furthermore, few scholars discuss the impact of the Tenth Nordling War, and how it definitively broke the power of one of the Empire’s more persistent enemies. While the Kingdom of Norland would continue to join coalitions against the Empire, it would do so as a minor partner, and its contributions to any given war effort would remain minimal at best. Even today, Norland remains a husk of the great power it once was. While few rate John VIII as among the greatest of the Emperors, none rank him low, and indeed it can be argued that if one were to live through any point in history, the 1820s stands as one of the better choices. However, this does not entirely exculpate Emperor John from the flaws of his reign, nor does it presume that only the sole actions of his successor cause the Empire to later teeter on the brink of ruin. While Emperor John’s inability to sire an heir has been previously discussed, and will have its consequences examined in full later, Emperor Philip II would have a number of problems to contend with upon his ascension to the throne. A decaying ISA, a lethargic government, a growing rival in Savoy, and the lack of interest in the city government of Providence and the Imperial Diet all began in the 1820s. However, in keeping with the liberal attitude of the Novellens, Emperor John rarely took matters into his own hands. It is here that the greatest failings of liberalized, democratized government begin to show. When power is too greatly delegated to those unfit for the responsibility of it, and possess neither the training nor the innate competence to wield it, the functions of the state wither. Had Emperor John not been so reluctant to sweep aside these supposedly sacred institutions and either reformed them or abolished them as needed, then perhaps the Imperial administrative apparatus would have remained healthy. Furthermore, although this was an unforeseen problem with the general dynastic aim of defeudalization and centralization taken up by the Novellens at large, and not solely a mistake of Emperor John, the growing decadence and uselessness of the aristocracy deprived the Empire of a critical source of talent and manpower. While nobles of before provided service to the Empire as politicians, councillors, and the leaders of armies, in the Petrine Empire they simply paid a small sum of taxes. With a strong ISA, bristling bureaucracy, and functional Diet, the drawbacks of this could be easily overcome, but as those institutions began to crumble, some of the flaws of the great Petrine project began to emerge. Still, it cannot be said that Emperor John VIII’s reign was poor by any measure. While his time is often overlooked in the modern day, given the more exciting events during the reigns of Peter III, Philip II, and Philip III, and he is rarely looked to as a guide by young, energetic monarchs, those who are old and wise frequently consult the deeds and mannerisms of Emperor John. Triumphant in war and peace alike, he accomplished something few monarchs in history, especially those upon Almaris, can claim to have obtained for their own realms. It is for this reason that, despite its problems, his reign ought not to be looked upon with a cynical, loathsome lens, but instead be appreciated as one of the last times the Empire enjoyed its unmatched supremacy in the world. Vale, John VIII ‘the Good’ 3rd of Horen’s Calling, 1757-12th of Owyn’s Flame, 1837 (r. 23rd of Sun’s Smile, 1814-12th of Owyn’s Flame, 1837) O Ágioi Kristoff, Jude kai Pius. Dóste mas gnósi ópos sas ékane o Theós. Poté min afísoume na doúme to skotádi, allá as doúme móno to fos tis sofías kai tis alítheias. O Theós na se evlogeí. The reign of Emperor Philip II and the Aster Revolution shall be covered in our next volume of The Decline and Fall of the Holy Orenian Empire.

Paul Temesch, Regent, grinned broadly as he signed the edict - even as he was made to do it in five colors. "To the future."

Paul Temesch receives the new edict from the recently-reopened tavern of the Petran township - he grins broadly, clasping his hands together (and giving his poorly family, midway through their breakfast of jam and bread, a scare).

THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE HOLY ORENIAN EMPIRE: Volume VI; Anne & Joseph Written by Justinian Nafis, heir to the County of Susa and Adolphus Gloriana, Earl of Suffolk, Prince of Sutica Anne & Joseph “Your father made no vain boasts. He pretended to no great conquest. The constitution was upheld, and no great calamity befell the Empire.” - Reflections on State, Emperor Joseph II The co-rule of Empress Anne and Emperor Joseph II was one of the greatest testaments to the new age of the Empire. Joseph Clement de Sarkozy was born into the household of the Lord Protector on the 1st of Owyn’s Flame, 1731. Having been a natural-born scholar, the Lord Protector, in his wisdom, granted Joseph Clement a wide range of tutors on various topics: statecraft, court politics, fiscal policies, history, religion, and philosophy. Historically, in the Debate of the Hand and the Crown, Archchancellor Jonah ‘the Adunian’ remarked if Joseph Clement could tell the difference between a sword and a book (an Adunian proverb stating that warmongering and scholarship make the best man). Joseph Clement replied that he had never had formal training in commanding, but that he was wise enough to delegate to the finest generals of the day. During his childhood, the Lord Protector’s reign came to be paramount to the conscience of the Orenian psyche. All eyes in the governmental branches stared with glowing eyes to see who the successor would be. As such, Joseph Clement was forcefully drawn in many ways by various court advisors in an effort to gain favor over the young man. Despite this, the maturity displayed in the blessed child rejected such attempts to dethrone power from his father. Historical sources differ as to whether the events occurred, but men like Alfred Myre say that future Archchancellor Simon Basrid was so awestruck by the boy’s protestations at being used as a pawn, that he proclaimed his eternal apologies for trying to use him, swearing never to do so again. While an elaborate story, the credibility is almost completely deniable. Eventually, the Lord Protector did die, and Peter III was crowned Holy Orenian Emperor. Much to no one’s shock, however, Peter III proclaimed his daughter, Anne Augusta, would be betrothed to Joseph Clement. The Venerable Anne Augusta herself was born into the household of Peter III on the 12th of Owyn’s Flame, 1735. Raised directly by her father, as her mother’s frequent illnesses forced her absence, yet scorning the more frivolous attempts at hedonism, Anne Augusta was a saintly child that eventually transformed into that of a strong, masculine woman who led her country to greatness, but also displayed a virtuous motherly attitude towards her children. Though the education of Anne Augusta is lost to the historical annals, the Venerable has a story attributed to her regarding a servant. There was a woman servant that had acquired an illness of the mind that was debilitating. The kind and pious Anne invoked such a godly power, when she touched the forehead of the servant, it cured the woman of the ailment. While this story is somewhat debated, Anne is currently undergoing an investigation into canonization by some priestly members. Once Joseph Clement and Anne Augusta met in the imperial palace in Helena, a bond between both was fully sealed. Love at first sight led the two to be inseparable from here on out, and most decisions made by one usually had an opinion of the other. While these authors will not continually note this behavior, the reader should keep it in mind. The major tragedy, as mentioned in the Petrine Empire volume, regarding the death of the Lord Protector sent shockwaves around the world. An attempt to capitalize on the Lord Protector’s death was pushed right after his death by Dima "the Elder" Tuvyic, a raev of little renown and honor. He attempted to push for an election for the title in order to usurp it for himself, going so far as to call a festival in order to stir the masses in favor of himself as well as enforce his reign with the use of Turkin guards harassing electors. Joseph Clement, having been encountered with some low-intrigue raev tactics such as that from the Pertinaxi Historia he studied in his youth, immediately pushed his own claim on the title during the election. Here, the oratory skills of Joseph Clement were first known, where he convinced thousands of serfs to elect him as Duke instead. The feminine Dima the Elder, who even hatched this plot to be elected himself, decided that as an elector, he would vote for Joseph Clement. After all the votes were cast, Joseph Clement was elevated to the Duke of Adria. Promptly, Duke Joseph dissolved the lands Adria had and exiled all of those with devious intent, like Dima the Elder and his Turkin warriors. When asked about his opinion on the Duchy of Adria controversy by the politician Evan Beckett, Duke Joseph is quoted as saying, "Sooner will the gates of the Void open and the Deceiver begin his attack than I will be free of the Raev menace." After the Duchy of Adria controversy, Duke Joseph spent the remainder of his time living a peaceful life and serving dutifully as a civic man.. Much like his namesake, though the poems themselves have not been published to this day, Duke Joseph wrote many romantic poems dedicated to his beloved Anne. According to songs sung by bards around the realm, their love was on full display as both were consistently seen holding hands, kissing publicly, and professing their love for each other publicly. So great was their love that politicians within the Petrine Empire mocked the Duke, always in private, over his romantic affairs. Especially after the extravagance of their imperial wedding, rumors started to be said that Duchess Anne was the "man of the relationship" as Duke Joseph took a more feminine role in poetry . However, Duke Joseph scoffed at such rumors. He knew his place in society, and having been a man of law, his life ended up as a circuit judge. During a certain trial pertaining to a Helvets-Rochefort man, the man in question committed the trespassing into the household of Charles Napier. Charles Napier requested the execution of the Helvets-Rochefort much to the disgust of onlookers.. Duke Joseph, delivering his judgment, declared that the Helvets-Rochefort did trespass onto Charles Napier’s land, but he declared the judgment to be null and void because the city officials purposefully extended Charles Napier’s household too outward as to incur many of men with the penalty of trespassing. Having delivered his verdict, he personally paid Charles Napier a certain sum of marks for the affront and let the Helvets-Rochefort man go free. The non-corrupt city officials of Helena soon overturned the law. After being elevated to Minister of Interior by Peter III for his righteous actions as circuit judge, Duke Joseph started a revitalization program stretching to the far off borders of Johnstown and Owynsburg. After several raev and kaedreni left the streets in ruin, Duke Joseph (even using more of his personal funds due to the lack of budget allocated to him), personally tried to revive both the Hanseti-Ruska lands and Kaedreni lands to the peak standards he deemed for the Empire. While both kingdoms tried to fight the reforms, Duke Joseph still continued to fight for the serfs who were deemed beneath many in the imperial administration. While less is known about Princess Imperial Anne Augusta, it is known she shadowed the majority of her father’s Empire. According to the lost passages of Augusta by former Archchancellor Franz de Sarkozy, Anne Augusta was pivotal in Peter III’s reign due to some politics she introduced. The policies, whatever they were, are not recorded in any official historia. Despite the fact that Anne Augusta took a less prominent role in government, it should not be understated how outright influential the duchess was. Almost a famous actor, wherever the Princess Imperial went, she was surrounded by crowds who adored her. Not once could the heir not be seen without such a populace, it is said by some historians she was Helena, for where she went, Helena followed. Also known for her piety and almost virginal nature, two saintly stories are recorded by the priest, Griffith of Gwynon, FSSCT (known to some as Gawain Briarwood). Firstly, Bishop Griffith of Gwynon reports that he received a large donation of upwards of one thousand marks by the Princess Imperial, who hid her force to avoid being known. Upon touching the priest, he was instantly cured of his ailment that befell and worsened his body. As he shot up with his renewed strength, he remarked, “Glory, glory, to the virgin’s vessel!” Despite the head covering, Anne Augusta’s face shined through like a ray of light. The other situation involved a simple fatherist beggar who, not realizing who they were stealing from, attempted to pickpocket the heir. In a sign of mercy and love, the Duchess gave away all of her belongings she held, being quoted as saying, “Had I have all of terra to give to you, I would.” Again, Saint Catherine watched over her student from above. The simple beggar renounced their oaths to the All-Father and was baptized on that day. When inevitably Peter III passed from his ailment, the Duke and Princess Imperial assumed the throne, being crowned by High Pontiff James II as Joseph II and Anne I. The significance of the crowning, not only of the first woman Emperor being crowned, but also the naming to which Joseph II took cannot be understated. Being the first woman to ever rule the Holy Orenian Empire outright, Anne I is quite the “anomaly” in her own words. With succession laws changing to which allowed her to take the title of Empress, Anne is not only the first example of a ruler that is a woman, but also one that surpasses many in her ability. She ruled justly, rightly, and while some say she delegated much, she took actions to protect the Empire when she deemed fit. The beginning of Anne and Joseph’s reign looked bright. When they ascended to the throne, their six children- the Princess Imperial, Elizabeth Anne, the heir, John Charles, Philip Augustus, Juliette Caroline, Peter Maximillian, and Joseph Leopold were all active in the political and social life of the Empire. Additionally, the losses suffered during the Sutican War had mostly been recovered from, and thus the ISA and the Imperial administrative apparatus were functioning properly once again. However, two problems emerged from the east, both of which would plague the promising reign of the co-rulers. The first of which is a matter that went unmentioned in the previous volume, as during the time of Peter III it was simply a minor affair. Demonic agents of Iblees, known as the Inferi, began to emerge in the Korvassa, a desert wastes far to the east of Arcas. While some scholars, both contemporary and later, believed that Sutican warlocks were responsible for this sudden invasion, others find no connection between the two. In 1779, Emperor Peter III joined the Firewatch Alliance, a group of powers dedicated to ending the Inferi invasion, but serious resources were not initially committed to the war, as the concurrent Sutican War was more pressing, and the Inferi assaults were generally smaller in scale. However, by 1785, most of the Korvassa had fallen into the hands of the demonic horde, and the cries for help from the region grew louder. Closer to home was the problem posed by the Haseseni. Although the quarrelsome Sigismund II had been pushed aside with little consequence, the kingdom still held a deep-seeded resentment and mistrust of those in Helena. Fearing a future repeat of the Sutican War and continued resistance to Imperial reforms, the Emperor and Empress opened talks with Haense to see where common ground could be found. However, with the Haeseni government ready to oppose any measure of the Empire strengthening its control, perhaps due to the willingness of the other nations of Arcas to back a potential Haeseni rebellion, these talks went nowhere. While the Emperor, Empress, and Archchancellor Jonah Stahl-Elendil sought a more reconciliatory posture with Haense, two prominent members of the Council of State proposed a new idea: the expulsion of Haense from the Empire. The first was George Kovachev, a fat statesman and career bureaucrat whose hatred of the raevir surpassed even Emperor Joseph II’s. It was he who had originally come up with the idea of Haeseni expulsion, though some sources allege that the Basrid Ministry had begun discussions of it in the aftermath of the Sutican War. The second of these two was the Vice Chancellor, Franz de Sarkozy. Franz Nikolai de Sarkozy was born on the 11th of Horen’s Calling, 1741, to Peter Victor de Sarkozy, brother of the late Lord Protector Adrian de Sarkozy, and Elizabeth Suffolk, one of the last descendents of the Archduke of Suffonia. Peter de Sarkozy had been a valued advisor to his elder brother, and his talents for finances caught the eye of the Basrid Ministry, who made him the Minister of the Treasury. While the Imperial Crown was nearly insolvent by 1743, it was Peter de Sarkozy who was able to miraculously turn around the financial situation and bring a surplus to the balance books. On account of his fame and station, the Minister of the Treasury was able to send the young Franz to a prominent school in Helena, where the boy was said to excel in his studies. At the age of fourteen, near the end of the Rubern War, Franz joined a small mercenary company led by his uncle, Sir Henry de Sarkozy, though with the war effectively over, he saw little action. At the official end of the war in 1760, Franz was offered a posting as a logistics officer in the ISA upon the recommendation of his father, who, according to Franz himself, was in awe of his talents and potential. Not one to turn down a good job, he accepted the posting. It was during this time that he came into some renown as an author. In 1760, he published his first work, Dinner at Karloman’s, which was met with acclaim and brought him to the attention of both the Basrid Ministry and the Josephite Party, where he made his political beginnings. Always a pious man (it is said that the reason he never attended church was because he already knew the Scrolls like the back of his hand), Franz de Sarkozy was occasionally blessed with visions sent from God. When interviewed in 1803, Franz reportedly said that when he was named Vice Chancellor, he had a vision of a crow, a burning bush, and a hammer wrapped in a wreath of iron thorns. Seeing that Haense, Norland, and Urguan were soon to join forces, he believed that the only way to prevent a continental war was the forcible separation of Oren and Haense. Ever-loyal to Emperor Joseph, who was, after all, his first cousin, Franz wished to preserve the Empire’s internal stability at all costs. With he and George Kovachev united in thought, they then needed to convince the Archchancellor.’ Jonah Stahl-Elendil’s beginnings are clouded in mystery, though it is known that by the end of the Rubern War he had joined the ISA and risen through the ranks as an officer. It was here that he met Franz de Sarkozy, where he was immediately impressed by the boy’s piety, incorruptibility, and intellect. In a diary entry by the Adunian Archchancellor, it is said that that when he found a large stash of Imperial marks meant for supplies purchases under Franz’s bed in the barracks, the latter refused to take the money for himself, and instead returned it to the ISA treasury and personally conducted an investigation to find the thief responsible, though it turned up empty. Jonah himself, though by no means a genius, was popular with the common man and had many friends. Good-natured, yet savvy, he quickly rose through the Josephite ranks before eventually becoming the party chairman after the resignation of the esteemed Sir Konrad Stafyr. Championing a platform of justice for the common people and the economic revival of Helena, Jonah’s popularity made him the obvious choice for Vice Chancellor in the aftermath of the Sutican War, then Archchancellor after Simon Basrid had retired. While Archchancellor Stahl-Elendil clearly disapproved of the Haeseni conduct during the war, and their resistance to Imperial reforms, he was reluctant to advocate for their expulsion. After many days and nights of fervent discussion, he was finally convinced of its necessity by Sarkozy and Kovachev, who were soon joined by the Emperor. With the entire cabinet in favor of Haeseni expulsion, the Empress was quick to agree, and on the 11th of Harren’s Folly, 1786, the Treaty of Helena was signed between Haesne and the Empire, which formally removed the Kingdom of Haense from the Empire, but established a peace and defensive pact between the two. Both sides seemed to have received the treaty well, as, in the words of Prince Peter Maximillian, the Count of Kaphro: “Even my divorce was less direly-needed than this.” Although the expulsion of Haense was a defining moment for the dual-reign of Anne and Joseph, very little else of note happened until the great migration from Arcas in 1796. In light of the relative quiet over the decade from 1786 to 1796, these authors have resolved to give a brief overview of that period. The differing attitudes and aptitudes of Anne and Joseph reveal within them their weaknesses, but also the strengths they possessed that complimented each other. Empress Anne was brave, beloved, and a warrior. She, the Princess Imperial Elizabeth, the heir, John Charles, the Duke of Helena, and her second son, Philip Augustus, the Duke of Crestfall, often led the ISA personally against the inferi, and embarked on several crusades to the Korvassa with the members of the Firewatch Alliance. It was there that they achieved a number of victories and helped contain the inferi menace within the lands of the Korvassa. However, when it came to domestic matters, the Empress had little knowledge and practical experience in matters of governance, save where foreign affairs were concerned. Fortunately, she knew her limitations, and would never rush to judgment before consulting her advisors, but at times this proved disadvantageous, for she could be indecisive and uncertain in moments that required action. Emperor Joseph, on the other hand, was a genius in the matters of statecraft and government. He was well-read, multi-talented, and quickly grasped any subject that he wished to learn. Brilliant with the pen and well-spoken, it was he who aided in crafting, perfecting, and overseeing the various systems of the Petrine Empire from the Imperial Diet to the judicial system to the centralization efforts. However, he was also something of a recluse and rarely emerged from the confines of the Imperial palace. While he could speak clearly, authoritatively, and articulately during meetings of state, much as the Empress did in public speeches, he appeared to be gripped by shyness when before great assemblies. Fortunately, he knew his limitations, and would never resolve to play the part of a charismatic warrior-Emperor when the Empress fit the role better. A standard session of the Imperial Diet under Anne & Joseph, date unknown Their strengths and shortcomings were apparent, and quickly the Imperial rulers knew how to divide the matters of state. In a display of trust rarely-seen between Emperor and Empress, the pair worked in concert, almost never interfering in each other’s respective realms, but also keeping frequent correspondence and communication to be aware of all that was happening. Empress Anne would meet with foreign delegations, stand before the people of the Empire, and lead the army against the inferi. Emperor Joseph would run the Imperial government, ensure the health and stability of its systems, and work with the Council of State to better the Empire from within. This arrangement worked well until the Empress’ death in 1800, and it was because of this that their co-reign was long, peaceful, and prosperous. That is not to say, though, that no conflict was to be found. Throughout the time of Anne and Joseph, the Josephite Party won every election by a great margin. Their dominance was so cemented (the Everardines folded during this time, and subsequent political parties simply ran on anti-Josephite platforms while borrowing all other policies) that many began to allege the Josephites of cronyism and engaging in criminal activities. The “Josephite Mafia” became the thing of legends as every crime, irregularity, and questionable act was blamed on this seemingly omni-present, omnipotent body of criminals who had overtaken the government. Was this truly the case, though? In examining over a thousand documents, diaries, warrants, dossiers, newspapers, and journals from the time, these authors have managed to piece together an accurate depiction of the criminal elements found within the Josephite Party. Much of the Josephite’s electoral success was owed to Illatians and Adunians, two quasi-human races that are known for their perfidiousness. Murder, election fraud, ballot tampering, bribery, and coercion was committed either by registered Josephites or known associates of registered Josephites, and it is commonly accept by historians that many of the lower-level members of the Josephites partook in criminal activity to some degree. However, among the higher ranks, few participated, let alone seemed aware, save for the Minister of the Interior (an Adunian), Padraig O’Rourke, the Count of Halstaig, who was thought by many to be the ringleader of the “Josephite Mafia.” While this cannot be confirmed, he was often named as a person of interest in a number of criminal cases. For their part, the two leaders of the Josephite Party, Jonah Stahl-Elendil and Franz de Sarkozy, seemed unaware of what was occurring, though that did not stop accusations from being made. In what was the most infamous scandal of the Archchancellor’s career, several notables within the Josephites were accused by the prominent dark elf, Tanith Vursur, of having kidnapped and assaulted her. Among those implicated were the Vice Chancellor, the Count of Halstaig, the Baron of Woldzmir, Ostromir Tuvyic (Franz Sarkozy’s cousin and benefactor), and the Mayor of Helena, Dimitri Orlov. While all were eventually acquitted after an investigation by the Ministry of Justice, public opinion began to sour on the Josephite Party, and soon more parties emerged with the aim of bringing down the Josephites, though for now they would not have the organization and funding to compete with them. Scandals aside, little else plagued the reign of Anne and Joseph upon Arcas, and the streets of Helena flourished, the ISA remained strong, and the government functioned smoothly. However, this would change in 1792 as the Inferi War was brought to a conclusion, and the more horrifying aftermath reared its head. By 1790, the Firewatch Alliance had defeated the last inferi incursion against mainland Arcas and were now retaking a string of forts within the Korvassa. Every month they pushed further inwards, until, by 1792, the final battle could commence. After a day’s hard fighting, the inferi were pushed towards a great pit containing within it a giant egg taller than even the great towers of Haelun’or, supposedly brought upon the world by Iblees himself. It was here, at this critical juncture, that a demon emerged from a crack in the ground and began to do battle with the descendants, tearing through their ranks. Just as all seemed lost, the skies opened, and a golden light poured through the dark clouds that blackened the landscape. From here emerged the spirit of Corwin von Alstreim, wreathed in a laurel of crimson leaves and bearing a sword crafted from a star. Announcing that he had been sent by God to turn the tide of battle, he clashed swords with the demon, quickly defeating and beheading it. With the cheers of the Firewatch armies propelling his flight, Corwin proceeded to summon a spear of sunlight, which he flung at the egg, piercing it and destroying the devil-in-creation within. The Inferi War had been won, and the threat against Arcas now seemed finished. However, in just a few years time, those hopes would be dashed. As the armies of the ISA, led at the head by Empress Anne, returned to the Empire, they were greeted by a great procession and parade organized by Emperor Joseph himself. Nothing went amiss as the week was dedicated to games, feasting, celebration, and festival. The future looked bright, as now peace reigned, and attention could be focused towards domestic affairs. However, over the next year, a number of disasters ripped across Arcas. First, a torrent of blood flooded the continent, rendering many of the rivers and streams unusable. Then, a volcano in the Korvassa exploded, destroying the towns and cities there. Finally, a series of earthquakes ruptured through nearly every known nation on Arcas, causing great damage and killing many. In Helena a great fire broke out, and although it was put out, nearly a fifth of the city had been destroyed. A year later, the first fire would pale in comparison. On the morning of the 5th of Harren’s Folly, 1794, the citizens of Helena (along with every other city in the known world) would awake to be greeted by a darkened sky, with ripples of vermillion accenting it. Survivors’ accounts say it looked as if the magma of the earth had replaced the vapors of the sky. A great panic struck each of these cities, which would only grow as meteors shot from above, indiscriminately hitting buildings, farms, people, trees, whatever was unlucky enough to be in their path. Helena was devastated, and the Empress, Emperor, and their government were only barely able to escape the hell that had overtaken their beloved capital. The surviving citizens of the Empire were told to head north, around the Curonian Province, where the great star fort that had been constructed there would serve as the capital. While the Empress and the Archchancellor organized the fleeing Orenians in Curonia, the Emperor and the Vice Chancellor took command of the Imperial Navy and made preparations for an Empire-wide evacuation from Arcas. The destruction of Helena during the Arcan Disaster, 1796 The following months in Curonia were difficult, but by the winter of 1792, the Imperial Navy was well-supplied for a long voyage. The Imperials boarded on the vessels, said goodbye to Arcas, and set off. It would be two years until they reached Almaris, but through intermittent stops at small islands, coordination with other fleeing vessels from Arcas (flight operations were conducted by virtually every nation), and the determination of the Emperor and Empress, they survived and persisted. When they finally reached Almaris, landing on the eastern shores, it was said that the people of Oren wept and kissed the ground as they leapt from their boats, overjoyed to see dry land again. The construction of a new capital, the claiming of new territories, and the allotment of land to various individuals soon began. The operation was a resounding success, and within a matter of a year, the great capital, Providence, had been erected and a great swath of land had been claimed and settled in the name of the Empire. In the north was the great forest of Grenz, with Dobrov serving as its main city. In the west were the jungles of the Pale, with Aldemar serving as its main city. In the south were the great, rolling plains of the Lower Petra, with Redenford serving as its main city. Eventually, Arentania, housing the Adunians of Halstaig, would be settled to the far west, although this would not come until later in the sole reign of Joseph II. For the next four years, the settlement and organization of Imperial lands on Almaris went by quickly and with few difficulties. By 1799, Jonah Stahl-Elendil, deciding that his seventeenth year as Archchancellor would be his last, publicly announced his impending retirement after the upcoming Election of 1800. This election, which would prove to be one of the closest and important elections in the history of the Petrine Empire, pitted the incumbent Josephite Party, now led by Franz de Sarkozy, against the newly-formed National Party, which had been born out of the Commonwealth Club, the premier social and intellectual club in Providence, led by the Minister of the Treasury, Ledicourt d’Azor and George Kovachev. While few differences could be found between the two parties, and d’Azor and Kovachev had been Josephite allies in the Stahl-Elendil Ministry, the slanderous libel flung against Sarkozy had prompted a strong opposition. In the months leading up to the Election of 1800, the respective campaigns of the Josephites and Nationals grew fiery, and soon mobs supporting both parties took to the streets. On one occasion, as relayed by Franz Sarkozy in his memoirs, several National supporters surrounded him and threatened to kill him. Sarkozy, unfazed, gave a coherent and logical argument as to why killing him would be of great detriment to the Empire, which brought the men to tears. They apologized to the Vice Chancellor and forsook political violence, and took up postings as minor Josephite party affiliates in the countryside. Not all occasions were bloodless, though, and the newspapers were filled with stories of violent clashes and brawls. During the principle debate between Sarkozy and Kovachev on the 9th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1799, an event that drew over nine thousand spectators, a sizable retinue of ISA soldiers had to be posted to ensure order was kept. Thankfully, no violence was had that day, and the debate was considered one of the greatest of the time. The Election of 1800 drew one of the greatest voter turnouts in Imperial history, surpassing even some of the Senate elections of Peter III. However, when the final votes were tallied, neither the Josephites nor Nationals had secured a decisive majority, as around a dozen seats had fallen to a number of smaller regional parties. Distrustful of these ambitious politicians, and recognizing the talent that both parties possessed, the Josephites and Nationals agreed to form a coalition, beginning a tradition of Josephite-National coalition governments that would remain until the dissolution of the Imperial Diet under Philip II. Franz Sarkozy would ascend to Archchancellor while Ledicort d’Azor would be named Vice Chancellor, and the Council of State would be divided between their two parties. The Empire as a whole was overjoyed on the occasion, as now factional rivalries could be put aside and a united front could focus on strengthening Oren. However, before the new unity government could act, tragedy struck. On the 20th of Horen’s Calling, 1800, Empress Anne was found dead in her chambers, having passed peacefully in her sleep that night. The Empress had been complaining for months of a pain in the breast along with accompanying rashes. Assuming it was a pox, she had taken to retiring early and offloading some of her official duties to the Emperor. Doctor’s visits were frequent, but it was assumed that the condition was treatable. However, this was not the case, and with the Empress’ death, so too did a piece of the soul of the Empire die. Beloved by her subjects and a symbol of Oren’s cultural peak, Empress Anne was widely-mourned from Haense in the north to Sutica in the south. It is said that at her funeral procession, a crowd larger than any army that the known world had seen gathered to see her delivered to the Imperial crypts. With Anne’s death, an unfillable void formed not only in the Empire, but also in Joseph’s heart. Having ruled and lived with her for many years, the widower Emperor was now forced to shoulder the burdens of the throne alone. Though he did not slip into reclusion, his public visits were far less frequent, and his rule was conducted distantly- from the confines of the Augustine Palace. While he would continue to do so competently and ably until the end of his life, it was said that never again did a smile grace his face. It would not be long before the first challenge to Emperor Joseph’s sole-rule emerged. In 1802, the steadfast Pontiff James II, a like minded friend and confidant of the Emperor, passed away after a tenure of forty nine years, the longest Pontificate to date. A stabilizing, well-respected, reform-minded force in the Church, the High Pontiff’s passing dealt a severe blow to the power and reach of the Church. The subsequent Pontifical election saw the controversial Cardinal Albarosa, a former Kaedreni who had been heavily involved in local politics in the region, ascend as High Pontiff Owyn III in a similarly-controversial election. Regarded as a schemer steeped in vice, Owyn III was reviled by nearly all the canonist states of Almaris, and soon whispers of a schism began to foment from within and without the Church. His tenure as Pontiff, though not as wretched as others depict, was mired in controversy as he attempted to reverse some of the liberal reforms of James II, which at times required the direct violation of Canon Law, and return the Church to its more conservative roots. Himself a devout Canonist and the Fidei Defensor, the Emperor had no desire to entertain the growing protests and demonstrations against the new High Pontiff, and he ordered the ISA to crack down on any dissent directed at the Church. While this succeeded for a time, it was evident to all, especially those in the Council of State, that the movement to officially depose Owyn III would only grow. Secret channels were made with the Kingdom of Haense to discuss the possibility of a joint Orenian-Haeseni deposition of Owyn III, but King Joseph I saw no reason to act, and promptly refused any agreement to enthrone a new Pontiff. An opportunity would come on the 5th of Horen’s Calling, 1806, when King Joseph I of Haense suddenly died of a heart attack. His son, the young Henry II, was a brash, impulsive boy who fervently despised Owyn III and wished to see a Haeseni-aligned clergyman ascend to the Pontifical throne. When Cyril Cardinal St. Publius and Father Dima of Dobrov, the two primary leaders of the movement against Owyn III, called for a trial against the High Pontiff, King Henry II eagerly offered Karosgrad as the location. Over in Providence, Emperor Joseph had no wish to spearhead the proceedings himself, and was grateful that Karosgrad was to be the location of the trial. However, despite his piety, he also prudently believed that the best way forward for the faith was for the Canonist Princes to be united. Unable to attend himself due to his advanced age, he sent Archchancellor Sarkozy and a retinue of ISA soldiers to attend the Diet of Karosgrad and see that Oren and Haense were unified in their decision. On the 12th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1807, the assembled clergy of Canonist Realms, the soldiers of both the HRA and the ISA, and many thousands of spectators gathered around and within the Basilica of Saint Henrik to spectate the Diet of Karosgrad. Sat above them all was Franz Sarkozy and King Henry of Haense, who both whispered between each other furiously during the events of the trial. Curiously, the High Pontiff himself was not in attendance, and rumors swirled that he, knowing that his sins and corruptions of office would be brought to light, had chosen to flee and avoid punishment. Despite his absence, the trial commenced, and for hours the supporters and opposition of Owyn III argued bitterly. When the trial drew to a close, and a vote of conviction was held, the High Pontiff was found not guilty by a slim margin. With the results presented before them, the Imperial Archchancellor and the King of Haense took to a side room to discuss what they were to do. The following events of the now-dubbed “Massacre of Karosgrad” are hotly-debated. With conflicting primary and secondary sources, these authors have resolved to present the three most prominent versions of what occurred. The first, relayed primarily by Imperial citizens in attendance, states that after the two men had finished their deliberation, the King of Haense emerged solely to announce that the Empire and Haense rejected the Pontificate of Owyn III, and demanded his deposition. The Imperial Archchancellor, it is said, was reluctant to officially order the deposition of Owyn III, as the man was his former father-in-law, and so he simply nodded in agreement with the Haeseni King. When the supporters of Owyn III refused to leave the basilica, Henry II ordered the HRA to arrest them, which soon turned into a slaughter. Franz Sarkozy, following the Emperor’s desire to support Haense, reluctantly ordered the ISA to join the HRA, but to refrain from killing any clergymen. However, a rogue terrorist inside the town square detonated an explosive, killing several citizens and clergymen, including Father Dima of Dobrov, which brought the massacre inside the basilica to a stop. The second account, told primarily by HRA soldiers and Haeseni citizens, is relatively similar, though it asserts that the Imperial Archchancellor was more active in his support of the King of Haense, and that it was actually the former who first announced the deposition of Owyn III. As Father Dima of Dobrov was Sarkozy’s son-in-law, it is argued that the Archchancellor was ready and willing to support his kinsman’s endeavors. He ordered his ISA retinue to assist the HRA in arresting the resisting clergymen, but soon, in the confusion that had grasped the basilica, the peaceful arrests soon became a series of brutal killings both inside and outside of the church. Many clergy were indiscriminantly killed in the slaughter, including Father Dima of Dobrov. The third account, told by ISA soldiers and a handful of anti-Owyn III clergy, states that the Archchancellor and King Henry II agreed on deposing the High Pontiff and decided to divide their responsibilities. Sarkozy would instruct King Henry on how to announce the deposition of Owyn III and ensure that all clergy in support of them would be escorted out of the basilica. Meanwhile, the King would issue the official announcement of deposition and ensure any non-compliant clergy were arrested. The plan initially went off without a hitch, but it is said that outside, a leaky crate of oil was hit by a lamp dropped by a spectator, causing a great explosion which killed many in the square of Karosgrad, including Father Dima of Dobrov. Believing that a counter-attack by the Pontifical Guard was being conducted, the soldiers of the HRA and ISA panicked, killing several clergy inside of the basilica. The massacre of Karosgrad, carried out by HRA and ISA forces, 1807 Regardless of the true nature of events, the Diet of Karosgrad would live down in infamy. Although the Empire and Haense had successfully deposed Owyn III, the stain of killing unarmed clergy loomed over the two Canonist Princes. The Emperor himself was outraged upon hearing the news of the Massacre of Karosgrad, and for a moment considered ordering the reinstatement of Owyn III, but eventually relented, knowing that such an act would divide the Canonist world. Instead, he agreed to oversee the new Pontifical elections, which resulted in the moderate and reasonable Cardinal St. Julia ascending as High Pontiff Jude II. For the next four years, Joseph II’s reign was peaceful and prosperous. Although Providence did not flourish as Helena once had under Peter III, the city was still the greatest on Almaris, and it was said that the streets never lacked the vigorous life expected of an Imperial capital, nor did the functions of government stall and wither. The Sarkozy Ministry sent expeditions westwards, over the Arentanian Mountains, and financed several settlements, outposts, and farms in what was now called the Oltremont, which further expanded the Empire and increased its tax revenues. One prominent family given significant tracts of land was the de Joannes family. Descendents of Robert de Joannes, the younger brother of Emperor Alexander II, this former Imperial dynasty had reemerged into Orenian politics with a fervor. Led by Louis de Joannes, the family began to attend court functions, dine with other members of the nobility, and provided substantial donations to the Church and Crown. Backed by the Bishop, Castile, and Hartcold families, the Joannes’s were able to gain the favor of Emperor Joseph II and obtain the Barony of Sedan in 1809. From there, they built a great fortified manor and created a military order of dubious legality, the Goats of Sedan. House Joannes was not the only once-great house to return to prominence. The de Falstaffs, having faded into obscurity after the death of Conrad, the Count of Leuven, were able to engage in some profitable land speculation out in the Oltremont. With these great funds, the head of the household, Emil-Dardot, was able to afford a fine estate out in the eastern reaches of the Lower Petra near the coast. The Emperor, himself a lover of Josephite history, could not neglect the opportunity to become the patron of one of the great dynasties that supported Joseph Marna. In 1808 he restored the County of Leuven to the Falstaffs by granting it, along with additional lands, to Emil-Dardot. A third house, though not yet to restore itself to the position it once held, was the de Savoies. After the defeat of House d’Amaury in the Lorrainian Revolt of 1729-1730, the small Savoyard population of the Empire had scattered across the inhabited world, disunited and without a leader. Now, though, a man with the potential to reunite the Savoyards had emerged: Olivier Renault de Savoie, the future Prince Olivier I of Savoy. Born into poverty in the Holy Orenian Empire, Olivier Renault had joined the ranks of the ISA from a young age, soon ascending the ranks due to his talent and wits. In 1808, the young Olivier Renault had caught the attention of many disparate Savoyards throughout Almaris, who began to flock into Providence to join the ISA and look to the promising young Savoie as a future leader. Although he asked for no lands and titles, and was not given any, he was soon noticed by the Emperor and the Council of State. However, the Emperor’s generosity would soon come back to haunt him. While most of the nobility within the Empire, from the Dukes of Cathalon in the Lower Petra, to the Barons of Woldzmir in the Grenz, had grown accustomed to the gradual reduction of noble privileges, those Imperial families that had lost their station during the Time of Troubles had not been reconciled to the new order. In the south, the new Count of Leuven began to form a coalition of nobles, ostensibly to support each other in the management of their estate and coordinate in the Diet. Meanwhile, the Goats of Sedan had stirred up trouble within Providence after inciting a feud with the Emperor’s grandson, Prince Robert Francis of Crestfall, who was said to be so greatly deformed and inbred that he did not even know he was insulting them, which earned them the ire of the Imperial Court. They further alienated the army when, after a meeting with the Archchancellor and General Peter d’Arkent, they refused to be integrated into the ISA’s command structure. By this time, whispers were growing of a possible rebellion being launched against the Crown. Correspondence uncovered between the Count of Leuven, Olivier de Savoie, the Baron of Sedan, and Robert Helvets, the Baron of Helvets and cousin of the Duke of Cathalon, revealed that the three men chafed under the new Imperial order. Believing that the responsibility of the nobility ought to be increased for the sake of the Empire, they agreed to support each other in the bid to expand the rights and privileges of the nobility and restore them to what had been enjoyed under Alexander II. While no direct communication related to rebellion has been found, the fact that these four would end up being some of the central leaders of the Sedan Rebellion leaves little to be questioned. By 1811, it was evident that the actions of the conspirators had become too much for the Crown. In a private meeting between Louis de Joannes and the Crown Prince of the Empire, the Duke of Helena, John Charles, the latter begged the Baron of Sedan to disband the Goats and tell his young, fiery followers to submit themselves to Imperial Law and join the ISA. The Baron of Sedan, believing that the Duke of Helena’s words were simply a ploy for him to surrender what power he had and crush any movement of unity among the nobility, refused. When the Emperor received word of this meeting, he, the Duke of Helena, and the Archchancellor agreed that swift action was needed to contain a possible uprising. On the 14th of the Sun’s Smile, 1811, the Emperor issued the Proclamation of 1811, stripping House de Joannes of their lands and titles, banning the Goats of Sedan from the realm, and demanding that House de Joannes and their allies come to Providence to stand trial. With official approval from High Pontiff Jude II, it seemed that the plot was to be stopped in its tracks. At first, it seemed that the Emperor’s plan would be executed without a hitch. Still in the process of convincing the nobility to join their movement against the Crown’s centralization efforts, the Baron of Helvets and the Count of Leuven were quickly caught and arrested by nobles still loyal to the Empire. Emil-Dardot, having readily turned himself in, was simply confiscated of his title and exiled from the realm; Robert Foltest, though, was slated to stand trial. With their allies in the Lower Petra having been neutralized and having been blindsided by the Emperor’s proclamation, the Baron of Sedan and Olivier Renault scrambled to put together an effective resistance. As Olivier Renault’s role in the conspiracy had not been uncovered, he was able to linger in Providence for a few more weeks, but as suspicions against him mounted, he decided to lead his large band of Savoyard followers out west to link up with Sedan. In the middle of the night on the night of the 2nd of Harren’s Folly, 1811, Olivier and his band of Savoyards, supposedly numbering in the hundreds, fled Providence without being detected. When morning came, the officers of the ISA were shocked to find that a substantial portion of their ranks had been depleted. Now aware that the conspiracy was larger than had been assumed, Emperor Joseph formed the Committee on Public Safety, which invested emergency powers in the Archchancellor, General Peter d’Arkent, and Iskander Basrid, the Count of Susa and a promising young captain in the ISA, in order to put down a possible rebellion. The Committee on Public Safety moved quickly, sending the Count of Susa and Vice Chancellor Ledicort d’Azor to review the Empire’s defenses in the Lower Petra. General d’Arkent, meanwhile, began to assemble an army in Providence and ensure the city’s defenses could withstand a possible attack. The Archchancellor, having senior authority, took overall charge and began the process of uncovering and arresting rebel sympathizers within Providence. Two of these men, Caius de Joannes and Conrad Nicholas de Falstaff, were caught and summarily executed. Both the Sedanian Rebels and Liberals within the Empire decried the lack of a fair trial, one of the three ‘Rights of Man’ afforded in the ORC, but the Archchancellor argued that the circumstances necessitated quick, decisive action, which long, complicated legal proceedings would hinder. Enraged at the execution of his son, the Baron of Sedan ordered his eldest son and heir, Alexander, to lead a force down to Southbridge to take it. Southbridge, guarding the southernmost passage into the Empire, was a critical trading post and fortification. To take it would mean to cut off Imperial merchants from their lucrative revenues to the south, which would hopefully put pressure on the Crown to give in to Sedan’s demands for the restoration of their lands and titles and greater autonomy for the nobility. Despite Olivier Renault and his Savoyards having yet to reach Sedan, Alexander de Joannes did not want to lose the opportunity to take Southbridge, so he set out prematurely with twelve-hundred men primarily drawn from House Joannes, House Castile, and House Bishop, though some sources have this count as high as two-thousand, finally reaching the fort on the 12th of Harren’s Folly, 1811. Unfortunately for the Sedanians, the Count of Susa and Vice Chancellor d’Azor had already reached Southbridge two days earlier with a contingent of seven-hundred men, bolstering the one-thousand man garrison at Southbridge. Not wishing to turn back, and confident that his men’s skill vastly outmatched that of the ISA’s, Alexander de Joannes took to open battle, which would prove ill-advised. At the Battle of Southbridge, on the 13th of Harren’s Folly, 1811, the Sedanian forces were decisively defeated by the ISA under the Count of Susa, whose brave, masterful command drove the rebels back to the Oltremont and kept Southbridge from being captured. Upon hearing the news of his son’s defeat, the dismayed Baron of Sedan knew that he would be unable to force a quick, easy settlement from the Empire. Thus, on the 25th of Harren’s Folly, 1811, he declared independence from the Holy Orenian Empire and crowned himself as the Prince of Sedan. Despite this bold gesture of defiance, the course of the Sedan Rebellion would not go in his favor. For the rest of 1811, the Count of Susa and his subordinates led a swift campaign across the Oltremont, wiping out small bands of rebels and thoroughly defeating raiding parties sent from Sedan. One famous incident came when Captain Caspian d’Arkent, grandson of General d’Arkent, led one-hundred freeriders to surround and capture a force of three-hundred levymen of House Bishop attempting to raid Southbridge, a deed that earned him his knighthood. Captain d’Arkent did not lose a man in the affair, and one of Sedan’s most prominent vassals was effectively knocked out of the war. By the beginning of 1812, the Count of Susa’s small ISA force had reached within fifty miles of the de Joannes Manor. Knowing that his rebellion was doomed if he could not force a quick end to the war, Louis de Joannes authorized a daring raid against Providence to be led by Olivier de Savoie. Mustering the last of the Sedanian reserves, and bolstered by the newly-arrived Savoyards, Olivier Renault set out with thirteen-hundred men, intent on striking Providence on the 17th of Godfrey’s Triumph, when the trial of Baron Robert Helvets was scheduled to take place. Having received word of this incoming raid force, General d’Arkent prepared the defenses of Providence and recalled his grandson to help take charge. However, knowing that this final gamble from the Sedanians was being conducted by a paltry force, he ordered the Count of Susa to continue his offensive into the Oltremont. On the morning of the 17th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1812, as the citizens of Providence awoke and began to stream into the courthouse to attend the trial of the Baron of Helvets, the alarm bells rang across the city. Over the horizon, the banners of House de Joannes, House de Savoie, and House Castile flew, marking the arrival of the rebel raiders. Despite his advanced age and onset of illness, General d’Arkent and his grandson, Caspian, personally led a force of two-thousand ISA soldiers to the walls to meet the rebels. For hours the two sides did battle as the citizens of Providence, the Emperor and Archchancellor among them, took to the towers and skyscrapers of the city to oversee the battle. At the height of the battle, when it appeared that Olivier Renault and a few of his men had successfully scaled the walls and were soon to enter the Bastion, Franz Sarkozy bypassed the suspended trial and ordered the immediate execution of Robert Helvets to ensure that he would not fall into enemy hands. When word reached the rebel attackers that the Baron of Helvets had been slain, many of them lost heart and began to waver. Beleaguered, worn thin, and on the verge of breaking, the Sedanian army was soon forced back from the wall after a well-concentrated push led by Captain Caspian. Knowing that a slaughter faced him and his men if they did not flee, Olivier Renault sounded for a retreat, narrowly escaping along with four-hundred of his soldiers back to Sedan. As soon as the final Sedanian banner could no longer be seen in the distance, the city broke out into celebration. The Emperor ordered a great feast to be held, and the victorious Imperials. The flight of the Sedanians after the Battle of Robert’s Folly, 1812 The Battle of Robert’s Folly would prove to be the last significant engagement of the war. When Louis de Joannes received word of this final defeat, it is said that he lost hope in any possibility of victory. On the 6th of Sigismund’s End, 1813, as the Imperial army was closing in on Sedan, Prince Louis and his remaining supporters chose to burn their manor and flee southwards, towards Urguan (it has been rumored that Urguan was secretly funneling men and supplies during the war). Olivier Renault, displaying a hatred of dwarves that would come to mark the rest of his life, took his few Savoyards and trekked further west, eventually founding the city of Luciensburg on the plains of the Westreach. With the burning of Sedan Manor came the end of the rebellion. The final rebel holdouts were swiftly captured, and on the 14th of Horen’s Calling, 1813, the Archchancellor announced the Empire’s victory over the rebels. While the war had lasted two years, leaving much of the Oltremont in ruins, the rest of the Empire was jubilant at the victory and was not left reeling from its effects. The war had been won decisively with little loss of life for the Empire, and the nation had shown the capability it possessed when unified. For the rest of his reign, Emperor Joseph faced no great issues from within, and the full project centralization that had begun with his father-in-law had been finished. The final feudal elements within the Empire had been completely eradicated. The rest of his reign, however, would prove to be short. In the dwindling months of the Sedan Rebellion, Emperor Joseph had increasingly delegated the powers of the Crown to the Duke of Helena, preparing him for the responsibilities of the office. Of greatly advanced age, nearly-blind, and bound to a litter, the Emperor stayed confined within the Augustine Palace, delegating what orders he needed to from there, but generally allowing the functions of the Imperial government to continue. It was around this time too that the Archchancellor announced his future resignation, which would come two months after the Emperor’s death. Life in the Empire fell still, for it seemed all were preparing for the inevitable end of an era. That end came during the evening of the 23rd of the Sun’s Smile, 1814. Emperor Joseph, having fallen into a fever two weeks before, had retired to his bedchamber. He permitted only close friends, family, and his personal chaplain to visit him during his final days. It is said that to each he conferred a piece of advice, though he also bound them to secrecy, and thus almost nothing of what he said is known. The sole exception is his final work, Reflections of State, addressed to his son, the Duke of Helena. In it, he tells his son that the Age of Heroes, a time defined by great men performing great deeds, has given way to the Age of Man, a new era that is defined by the will and energy of the masses. He instructs his son on how to reign in these changing times, encouraging a more distant, liberal approach to governance than what has been standard. Finally, he reflects back on the life he lived and the reign he had, remarking positively that his reign was quiet and peaceful, and because of that it was good. On the morning of the 23rd of the Sun’s Smile, the Emperor, now fading into the beyond, was given his final rites. For a few more hours he stirred, occasionally accepting water dripped from a cloth, but otherwise not taking visitors. By midday he uttered his final recorded words: “Anne, we have succeeded.” By the time night came, Emperor Joseph II had finally passed away, joining his wife after fourteen years without her. He was eighty-two years old when he died, and had ruled the Empire for a total of thirty-two years. The co-reign of Anne and Joseph is a moment that has never been seen before in Imperial history and shall never be seen again. Their reign marks the first time a woman held the Imperial throne in her own right, as well as the first time the Crown was held equally by two individuals. This sharing of the Crown would prove to be their greatest benefit, as the Imperial monarchs perfectly complemented the other. Even within the domains of erstwhile enemies of the Empire, the co-reign of Anne and Joseph is held in high esteem; Empress Anne is seen as one of the most beloved individuals to sit the throne, while Emperor Joseph is regarded as one of the wisest. Through their efforts, they not only continued, but saw through the Petrine Reforms that had begun with Emperor Peter III and Simon Basrid. Although their liberal sentiments may have been misguided, any scholar must respect their ability to perfect a dynastic vision. Although Empress Anne’s passing left a great void in the Empire, and the subsequent sole-reign of her husband cannot be said to have been as stable, Emperor Joseph was able to see their dream to completion and ensure the functions of state did not experience any significant stagnation or decay. Despite his mild mistakes that laid the groundwork for the Sedan Rebellion, the Emperor humbly recognized his faults and competently guided the Empire through the conflict, ending it quickly, decisively, and without losing a single engagement. By the time of his death, the Imperial coffers were full, the political violence that had grasped the Empire for several years had subsided, and the loyalty of the Imperial subjects was absolutely secured. While Emperor John VIII's reign would quickly be tested, it would come from the outside, and the internal strength of the Empire would ensure that he had ample resources to meet the coming challenges. Vale, Anne ‘the Ruby of the Empire’ 12th of Owyn’s Flame, 1735-20th of Horen’s Calling, 1800 (r. 14th of Sun’s Smile 1784-20th of Horen’s Calling, 1800) Vale, Joseph II ‘the Erudite’ 1st of Owyn’s Flame, 1731-23rd of Sun’s Smile, 1814 (r. 14th of Sun’s Smile 1784-23rd of Sun’s Smile, 1814) O Ágioi Kristoff, Jude kai Pius. Dóste mas gnósi ópos sas ékane o Theós. Poté min afísoume na doúme to skotádi, allá as doúme móno to fos tis sofías kai tis alítheias. O Theós na se evlogeí. The reign of Emperor John VII and the 10th Nordling War shall be covered in our next volume of The Decline and Fall of the Holy Orenian Empire.

thats unfortunate

sounds like u should log off kid

i cant find rp

1ST SENATE ELECTION OF THE COMMONWEALTH 7th of Tobias’ Bounty, 1886 By Order of the Regent, With the closure of nominations, the Regent of the Commonwealth has ordered that senatorial elections within the Republic commence immediately. The following candidates have been approved to stand for election to the Senate Eques: Ser Jan de Merode @heh Dame Catherine of Furnestock @AndrewTech Ser Bernard Luc Halcourt @Lyonharted Ser Charles Temesch et Moroe @MCVDK Ser Steiner Alain von Richthofen @Enlightenment Ser Ludwig Johannes von Preussens @Dasdi Voting shall thus be opened to any citizen of the Commonwealth for a period of exactly one Saint’s Day. Following the closure of the polls, the results of the 1st Senate Eques Election of the Commonwealth shall be announced by the Regent at Temesch Hall. In order to vote, citizens need only fill out the following form and privately submit it to one of our Commonwealth voting booths. Citizens must vote for their three most preferred senators out of the options listed: Once your ballot has been filled out, simply tender it to any secure Commonwealth voting booth for it to be counted. ANVE PETRA, Paul Salvian Temesch et Moere, Regent of the Commonwealth

The invoice, of course, is to be made out to Paul-Salvian Temesch, who intercepted the courier before they made their way to the Temple and bribed them five mina to swap the receipts.

Local pearl-diver James Pubdirt had been having a rather good day - donning his usual turtle-shell mask, he had collected no less than fifteen pearls of varying quality, only two so sand-brined yet that they were unable to be sold to the wealthy Balianite merchants. The churning of the waters above him, though, drew the man back to the surface - and there he saw the side of an oblong boat of apparently dwarven make, the type rarefied in such a place. What he heard next brought a stifled gasp to his visage - and quickly, he went to the Church with the news, forcing a monastic to write down his account of Lhoris' conversation with herself to apparently thin-air (as he, of course, was barely literate).

"Except the Holy Orenian Empire lost the War of Two Emperors," commented Paul-Salvian, historian extraordinaire, to his good Batavian friend. "I wonder if this guy realizes he wasn't a... (#)winner." @heh @LithiumSedai

THE PETRINE CONSTITUTION PREAMBLE We the disparate lords, gentrymen, and peoples otherwise of the Petra do pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor to the establishment of this Constitution upon the foundations of liberty and meritocracy. Let this charter be the highest law of the land, an inalienable contract for the formation of this Commonwealth of the Petra. ARTICLE I: THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ORDER OF THE PETRINE LAUREL In the hopes that those that prove themselves worthy may find themselves climbing the ladder of our society; we put foremost in our Constitution the Order of the Petrine Laurel, our foundational knightly order and the basis for membership within our Gentry. Let these men and women embody our values, prevent the stagnation so oft found in the corrupt nobility of ages past, and provide the wisdom needed to guide the masses. Once, the Petrine Laurel defined the greatest works of Humanity; now it shall define the greatest Men and Women of our Commonwealth. Section I On the Order of the Petrine Laurel The Order of the Petrine Laurel shall consist of all recognized knights within our Commonwealth, and be led by a Grandmaster, who shall concurrently be the Chancellor of the Commonwealth. Section II On Admission to the Order The primary means of entry shall be squirehood, capped by a heroic deed; secondarily, committed service to the Commonwealth and deeds plural. Either path shall require the nomination of an oathed knight and a confirmation vote by a majority of the Senate, and shall be confirmed via an Oathing and Ceremony of Accolade by a titled lord of the Old Régime in a fashion worthy of the new Brother or Sister. Section III On Privileges and Duties Knights of the Commonwealth are enabled nomination privileges for the membership of the Senate and the Tribunal; shall act on behalf of the Commonwealth as its envoys and representatives; and shall be the arbiters of the law as required by circumstance. Where no other local government is present within our territories, they shall act as chief magistrates over townships and territories, castellans of fortifications, and protectors of the smallfolk. They shall take up arms in defense of the Commonwealth, and sully not its name; and the dereliction of any of these duties shall be grounds for removal from the Order. ARTICLE II: THE OLD RÉGIME AND ITS DUTIES Though we are of common mind on the rights and liberties of Man, our ancestors have bound us to this mortal coil. Where the first baron may be Great, and the second worthy in his actions, the third finds themselves among hedonists and debtors. So do we follow the endless cycle, unable - or unwilling - to create a new path. We the lords and ladies of the Petra vow to break this; to create and moderate a revolution capable of renewing the greatness in our leadership, whilst not leaving it to the brigands and hounds that so oft come with such states. Section I On the Old Régime All those lords that submit to or join otherwise the Commonwealth of the Petra are bound by this Constitution; and in doing so are unable to hold knighthoods, and do relinquish their powers save those declared herein to the State. From among them shall there be a Regent, whose duty is solely the protection of the Republic and its virtues. The votes of the Old Régime on the new Regent shall be counted and confirmed in official address. Section II On the Inheritance of the Régime The membership of the Old Régime may not be stripped of its nobility by any but its membership, unanimous save for the member in question; titles are passed down in the Rosemoor tradition, to the firstborn of a family, and then to the closest in relation. Section III On Knighthood among the Nobility Those that hold titles within the Commonwealth are disallowed from being knights, and therefore unable to run for or be nominated otherwise to the Senate Eques or the Tribunal; they are disallowed from voting on any matters save those declared herein as the right of the common citizen or those especially attributed to the nobility, and they are disallowed especially from the unilateral appointment or accolade otherwise of knights. Section IV On the role of the Régime in the Knighting Ceremony Upon the confirmation of a squire or worthy Man or Woman otherwise by the Senate Eques and their sponsoring Knight of the Commonwealth, they are to be given the choice of all Houses within the Commonwealth; and this House is mandated to Oath them to our Commonwealth according to its traditions. Houses may not create knights without the confirmation of the Senate Eques and a sponsoring Knight of the Commonwealth, and knights of such Houses may not take squires of their own surname and blood within two generations of immediacy. Section V On the role of the Regent The Regent shall be the head of state of our Commonwealth, tasked with counting the votes in the election of the Senate Eques, swearing the Senate Eques into office and, if required, calling all Houses of our Commonwealth to an emergency denial of a law put forward - which may be done only by unanimous vote of all titled nobility within the Commonwealth. This power is to be used delicately and only in the defense of our Commonwealth from tyranny and malice. The Regent may not put laws forward to the Senate Eques, may not call votes otherwise of any kind, and may not vote for the membership of the Senate Eques themselves. Section VI Term Limit of Regency One Regent may stay in office for no longer than two terms of twenty years each - after which it must mandatorily be transferred to another titled member of the Old Régime. This member may have been a previous Regent, though previous Regents are not eligible to be transferred within five years of transferring the Regency away. Section VII On the role of the Régime Otherwise Lords of the Régime declared to the Commonwealth shall be allowed to continue to administer their individual ancestral realms, and their castles, towns, and villages otherwise shall not be confiscated from them. Instead, they shall be beholden to the rulings and laws of the Commonwealth and its Knights, and those farmlands, fields, forests, and territories otherwise not directly inhabited nor formally possessed by their House shall be made useable by all citizens of the Commonwealth; and as well, their castles, towns, and villages otherwise must be made open to the quartering of Knights of the Commonwealth upon allotment by the Questmaster-Envoy. ARTICLE III: THE SENATE EQUES Let us be reminded of the Senates and Assemblies of eld; of Man’s great achievements in the advancement of meritocracy over nepotism, of wit over blood. We of Petra know these histories; the first Dumas of the North, the Senates of the Empires; yet we also remember the failings, the silence of the weakened masses and the chaos of the Vesnians. Instead we shall raise up our most worthy to the pedestal; make it the privilege and duty of the gallant. Instead, we shall leave it to our Orders. Section I On the Senate Eques The Senate Eques shall constitute the highest body of governmental power, and consist only of oathed Knights of the Commonwealth. Section II On Elections Elections shall be held once every eight years; any Knight of the Commonwealth may be nominated to the office, and any landholding citizen or Knight of the Commonwealth may vote. Should a member of the Senate resign or otherwise be rendered incapable, an emergency vote may be called by the Chancellor. These votes shall be counted and confirmed by the Regent or their chosen representative of the Old Regime, who shall then ask the Senate-Elect to form a government in the name of the Commonwealth. Section III On the Composition of the Senate Subsection A. The Senate-Elect shall start by choosing from among their number a Chancellor, who shall be Chief among them; and this Chancellor shall serve also as the Grandmaster of all Knights of the Commonwealth, and Castellan of the Mardonkeep, its capital. Upon the choosing of the Chancellor, they are to be sworn to their duties by the Regent, and the oaths of office recited by the Senate, and thus the government shall be formed. Subsection B. The Chancellor shall then assign to the other Senators their portfolios, which shall consist of no less than a Questmaster-Envoy, a Procurator, a Chamberlain, and a Scrivener. Subsection C. The Questmaster-Envoy shall be charged chiefly with assigning foreign tasks and deeds otherwise to the membership of the Order and those that may wish to join its ranks; and they are to confirm that those wishing to be elevated to knighthood have completed at least one deed of real merit, and that the Commonwealth keep good and worthy relations with those foreign powers of note. Subsection D. The Procurator shall be charged chiefly with the prosecution of those Sers and Dames that break from the codes and tenets otherwise of the knightly Order, and of all those peoples that may break from the laws of the Commonwealth; and they shall represent the Government in all such trials before the Tribunal. The Procurator shall also bring to vote those laws that may be requested by Knights of our Order, and which may be passed by Senate majority. Subsection E. The Chamberlain shall be charged chiefly with the maintenance of the Commonwealth’s finances; and they shall lead the Treasury and maintain the proper taxation of the capital, the updating of old fortifications and modernization of infrastructure otherwise, as well as the allocation of resources within the Commonwealth. Subsection F. The Scrivener shall be charged with the maintenance of our Records and the Book of the Brotherhood, which shall host the roster, past and present, of all Knights of our Commonwealth. They shall too ensure the furthering of our cultural prosperity through the arrangement of activities and events otherwise internal and inclusive to the general populace of the Commonwealth, of documentation and reports otherwise regarding the deeds of our Knights, and tables and codices of our Laws and Ways. Section IV On the role of the Senate in the Knighting Ceremony Whereupon a Knight of the Commonwealth determines his squire ready for the ceremony of accolade, and a worthy deed has been determined and completed by order of the Questmaster-Envoy and recorded by the Scrivener - or a member of the citizenry has been determined worthy of the ceremony of accolade, and a worthy deed determined and completed by order of the Questmaster-Envoy and recorded by the Scrivener; the Senate Eques shall vote on the worthiness of the citizen in the joining of the Order’s ranks. A simple majority from among the Senators shall be the final confirmation of such, after which the would-be knight shall choose from among the Houses a titled noble to enact their Oath, and they shall become a member of the Order thereafter. Section V On the Open Forum Once every other year, and at most within every three years, the Senate must host a meeting open to the general population that enables the hearing of pleas, requests, and speeches otherwise to be heard by the highest body of the nation’s government. In such a meeting, Senators may open their vote to the forum however they might, if they so choose. At the forums, all those Senators that do not attend shall give their vote in the petition to the Knights in attendance at minimum, and may choose instead to give their votes to the property-holding citizenry or their representatives in attendance at maximum. Upon the calling of a vote on any petition or topic, if 50% or more of the knights in attendance discluding the Senate vote a certain way, then their vote shall be representative of those Senators not in attendance. ARTICLE IV: THE PETRINE TRIBUNAL Section I On the Judiciary Tribunal The Petrine Tribunal shall consist of exactly three tribunes, and shall interpret and enforce the Pretrine Constitution. One tribune must be present for a legitimate and legal trial. All three tribunes must be present to hear a challenge of the Constitution or state. Section II On the appointment of Tribunes Tribunes shall be nominated by the Chancellor, and approved by the Senate Eques. They are appointed to their positions until life, resignation, or impeachment by a two-thirds majority of the Senate followed by that same threshold of the Régime. To be nominated, one must meet the following requirements: Must be over the age of 25 Must be a member of the Order of the Petrine Laurel Must have the nomination of at least one other member of the Order Must be a citizen of the Commonwealth of the Petra Section III On Conflicts of Interest within the State In the event that the Senate Eques or the procurator possesses a conflict of interest in a legal case or is otherwise unable to adequately fulfill their duty, the members of the Tribunal shall have the authority to appoint by unanimous vote a counsel. This counsel of the Tribunal shall have a mandate to investigate and prosecute that specific case before the Tribunal which he has been appointed to oversee unto its completion. ARTICLE V: ON AMENDMENTS Yet we do not see ourselves as omniscient, and recognize that future generations may find the need to amend our Constitution to ensure its continued relevance. Hereafter we expound upon such a process. Section I On Reason The amendment of the Constitution is of potentially dire consequence; as such, all levels of society must be consulted. Potential amendments are to be made public and easily available to all literate citizens of the Commonwealth, and given a period of minimum one year to be discussed and debated before proceeding to a vote. Section II On the Vote As it affects the entirety of our Commonwealth, so too is the entirety of its government involved; a majority vote is required, comprising of two of three Tribunes, a majority of the titled Old Régime, and a majority of the Senate Eques. Should this be unable to be accomplished, the amendment shall not be passed. Dated 12 S.S., 1885 IC

Paul Temesch et Moere shows it to all of his best friends. "Karaoke night this weekend?" he smirks. Little did they know, he was a terrible singer.

Paul Temesch stamps it with the seal of Temesch, then the newly-forged seal of the Commonwealth. To the great number of friends of the Republic in Temesch Hall, he smiles the sun's smile.

SUMMONS OF ALL THE PETRINE PEOPLES TO CONVENTION Issued from the Office of the Regent of the Commonwealth, 9 Harren's Folly 1884 IC To all those that have declared for Our Commonwealth, It has been my deepest honor to have fought alongside you as brothers and sisters in our war of honor waged against the Kingdom of Oren. The Burning of Garmont has been avenged; the Petrine peoples noble and peon alike saved from the tyrannical actions of the last king's regency. To my most loyal soldiers I give my eternal gratitude. Now it is time for us to rebuild - to turn our siege engines to wheat-carriages, to build new halls of governance and peacekeeping where once the Mardonkeep once stood. A constitution has been drafted to govern our peoples; yet we have held no ceremony to commemorate the end of the Harvest Revolution, nor to award those that so loyally bore our banners in the defense of the Petra River Valley. At the end of the wintering season, this shall be remediated; I call upon all those citizens of our Valley that would put their names equal to mine as founders of our Commonwealth, our Republic, to join us in celebration in Temesch Hall. To those royalist and Arentanian elements that yet seek to remain within Petra; you have three months as of the writing of this letter to seek out our Regency and make public amends for your misdeeds, declaring then support of Our Constitution. Neutrality in that war of annihilation was no better than the support of tyranny; those that do not do so post-haste shall be removed equally quickly. Those that sufficiently admit their faults and declare their support shall be allowed to keep their manors and territories, though all those titles not yet recognized as of the promulgation of this missive shall not be recognized by our Government as per the terms of Orenia Diruta Est. ANVE PETRA, Paul Salvian Regent of the Commonwealth

Paul Salvian Temesch et Moere, Regent of the Commonwealth of the Petra, delves into his book collections. Two are sent forthwith; on the ancient realm of Seventis. Dusty, Arcasian tomes saved from the fall of the Empire. Others - they seem newer, perhaps secondary editions on past histories. Why did he have these...? Who originally wrote them? Who knows. SEVENT ANTIQVE; ARMS OF SARVN The houses of the Seventian Kingdom of Asulon were caught between the ancient traditions of Aegis and prior and the quickly-evolving political landscape that would culminate in their collapse and the rise of the First Empire. Those of Seventic heritage, and whom spoke the classical Seventian language, nearly always utilized Or, or Aurum, in their heraldry – a callback to their Aegisian capital. This is best exemplified by the coat of arms of Seventis itself, Chequy Sable and Or. The only exception to this rule was the personal arms and armor of Princess Maria of the House of Vallark, who used an inverted form of the greater Seventian coat of arms, and with her own House’s colors of white and blue. Notably the House of Drakaene, whose blazon is Gules a Falcon Or wielding in its beak a Cross Argent, did not use individualized coats of arms for its titles held in commandery; instead, these are beheld in nearly all surviving historical documents by imagery of the military coat of the House, Gules a Falcon Or. Of minor note, the County of Ascella retained the coat of arms of the County of Azar from which its rank was usurped, and the two that would come to rule over it in its post-capital era, Marcus of the House of Powell and Jullius of the House of Andromeda, would not change its armorial, but would instead take it as their own coats of arms for the duration of their rule. The other dominant tinctures of the nation were Gules and Argent. Modern experts would take this as derived from the Auvergnat ducal coat of arms of the time – Argent, a chevron Gules inverted in the chief a Cat Sable. Those houses subordinated to the House of Gracchi, whom had risen in stature just as their predecessor, the House of Guivret, had fallen, and both of whom would merge in eventuality to become the House of Valois of Anthosian fame, nearly all donned this same tincture scheme in both their personal heraldries and those of the titles which they ruled. The exception to this rule, of course, comes from the barony of Pont Vert – for in those times, the rule of Human nobility was perhaps less solidified in Asulon, just as many social structures were not left intact from the ancient Kingdom of Oren, and so an Elvish ruler was allowed the rulership of the title. Whilst the Sintels were never raised to Seventian nobility, and instead held the title de facto in perpetuity, the coat of arms of the barony were altered from its original form to reflect their rulership. The furs and verdant green of the Elvish forest were chosen to signify the barony’s holder, and this coat of arms would not change until Seventis’ ultimate collapse. The nation of Seventis was in many ways politically advanced in its formation, allowing only Human nobility and disallowing Human marriages to nonhumans (though documents such as the Memoirs of a Magnate are nearly uniform in their statement that, “...the First Lady Gracchi did by the day [daily] spend nigh Qente [Five] hours with her Sintel ally,” and may point to rather taboo events by today’s standards simply being ignored), as well as continuing hereditary feudalism (whereas the Salvian nation of the time had unmarried co-rulers in Dawn Perea and Enor Sheffield, Dawn originally made famous for her bakery, then her seduction of two generations of Orenian monarchs and eventual death by the Twilight Army, and the Hanseti ruled by a Hochmeister), titular precedence (as is noted in the Sarun roll, where only one title, the Duchy of Old Sevent, holds higher priority among duchies than its subordinates do among counties and baronies, likely due to its prior status as the crownlands), and holdings de jure marked as different from holdings de facto, wherein one might capture the land of another vassal, but would not then be noble themselves (as was the case in the Auvergnat-Green Point Dispute). While it was advanced politically, though, it struggled to outgrow its roots as a tribal domain; it lost battles even against bandits and mercenaries with unusual frequency, was wracked with internal strife, and found its Seventic ruling class simply not numerous enough to produce leadership on the level or at the scale of the Renatians and Hansetians, nor to be able to properly exert control on its peasant class. Such is why the Seventians were both able to wed a princess of theirs to Exalted Godfrey in Rose Amedius Vallark (and from whose womb would be brought such forebears as Pertinax the Dragonknight), but would be unable to protect themselves from simple Subudai horse-raiders; it is also why, whilst Seventis has graced the list of titles of every true claimant to the Holy Orenian throne, it will in all likelihood be unable to succeed at a national level even should one attempt to revive it. SEVENT ANTIQVE; FROM ITS BIRTH TIL ITS COLLAPSE As an entity, the Seventic ruling class of the Asulonian Kingdom can be traced from among the tribes of Northern Aegis; of those city-states within the wastes, two villages in close proximity would eventually go on to be known as “Seventian”. The first, known as Rykalos and whose people were known as the Rykalod, were said to be descendants of Shona, nation of intermixed Highlanders and Farfolk, and the latter, known as Aurum and whose people were known as the Norjuni, were of common Aegisian Highlander stock. From among the Norjuni was born one Dezios of Vallark [now known to be a somewhat primitive combination of ‘Valley’ and ‘Arch’]. Dezios claimed leadership of the tribe in Aurum and called for a show of strength within those wastes. In the early 1310’s, the Norjuni Invasion of Rykalos began, and by 1320 the Rykalod people are known to have submitted, their chieftain Symod-imi Drakaene laying down his spear. The integration of the Rykalods into the Norjuni, however, would be cut short by the Battle at Aurum, a conflict that disputed sources state occurred between Undead forces and Dezios Vallark’s newly combined tribes, causing the death of the ruler and the majority of the Rykalod footmen. Their defeat at Aurum forced them to flee south, where in time they would find themselves minor vassals of the Sheffield king of Salvus. Their eventual migration from the Salvian capital of Solace in the mid-1300’s to the outskirts of the Temple Sanctuaries, and thereafter the founding of the towns of Azar [later called Ascella] and Seventis, would cause a rise to power of magnitudes previously unseen; later, this rapid buildup would be called proto-Sutican by historians of the Axiosian era, though it is this historian's opinion that it is far more likely the earlier Suticans based their ideas off of the Anthosian Salvians [far different, mind you, from the Asulonians of Dawn and the Sheffields, whom would be overthrown in the Twilight March], and the Anthosian Salvians in turn from the Seventians. Whilst such conflicts as Mandarin’s March and the Usurpation of Ascella caused the burgeoning city-state to falter multiple times, and eventually to move their capital from Azar to the newly minted city of Seventis, the Seventic also began to gather international renown. Their alliance with the newly-resurgent Kingdom of Renatus for the legendary Battle of Das Boot would mark the beginning of a golden age for the small kingdom. It is said that silver lined the streets of Old Seventis, its people wove with gold, and that, when called upon by Exalted Godfrey for monetary assistance, a caravan of gems arrived in Arethor not a fortnight later. This prosperity lasted for a decade and a half, around when the beginning of the famed Twilight Army began to sprout among the Salvian peasantry. The masses thinking their long-lived and beauteous Queen Dawn Perea a witch, they called the nations of Asulon to arms. Seventis, once supporters of the Sheffield dynasty, joined the war on the side of the crusaders and their close Renatian allies; long columns famously marched a hundred leagues from the Temple Sanctuaries towards the blood magick-plagued plains of Salvus. It was at this time that the Conversion of Seventis occurred, wherein the Vallark dynasts forcefully converted the pagan Seventic ruling class to that of the Renatians; those that rejected, like Damien the Heathen, were crucified, a punishment later made far more infamous by the White Rose inquisitions. Seventis, however, would not enjoy this era forever. The city of Seventis itself, called Grata in Rykalod, bustled with activity – too much, some began to think, as it was also famed for being a slum-town, with a population triple that of Arethor in a third the space. Many among the Seventic nobility called for a new migration, for the beginning of a Seventian Empire in the eastern reaches of Asulon. Renati, young and ambitious, was inclined to agree, and so even as the beginnings of the Holy Orenian Empire could be seen on the horizon, Seventis abandoned its greatest strengths to found the city of Sarun. It was said that Sarun’s walls reached the clouds and went thrice the length of Hanseti's; historical records note that while this may have been the case, Sarun only ever completed three such walls, as the planned sea-wall along its eastern shores was interrupted by the death of the city's chief architect. The wide savannah they had moved to lacked the necessary mines to construct a new capital in the same quick manner as had been done in Asulon, and soon major issues began to trouble the nation. The stone used to build Sarun's mighty walls and the transport needed to move the nation had run dry the nation's coffers, leaving only a tent-city and five manors within plains no different from without; and the invitation of Druids to revitalize its territories caused a slow souring of relations with the Renatian kingdom. It was at this time, too, that the burgeoning nobility of the nation reached their greatest internal strength; where once they may have served solely as banners, they were now given vast swathes of land to rule as near-dictators – within such regions as Somnia, Green Point, and Pine Harbor, bannermen of such houses as the Drakaene and the power that the family wielded far outmatched that of the House of Vallark itself. Even in the city and capital province of Sarun, it was said that Symodimi Drakaene controlled the land, Cultor Drakaene the sea, and Renati only the palace. Three primary factors caused the depopulation, and eventual collapse, of the Seventic State. The first was the Subudai War – constant Farfolk raids upon the colonizing nation collapsed the import-export businesses it had so relied upon to thrive in the Sanctuary lands and weakened its military forces. The knights Seventis fielded, once renowned as great allies of the Renatians, slowly deteriorated to death and old age, and soon only its vassal levies remained, the national army disbanding for lack of pay and board. The second was the War at Midnight, a time of political turmoil between the Seventics, traditional leadership and nobility of the nation like the Houses of Drakaene and Centaurum, and the Tyrian, new-blood houses raised to balance against them aided by dark forces, namely Ursolon Ironheart, Relgard Sintel, and the Shade Sister. When this culminated in open civil war and great growth in the power of such Seventic nobles as Rhaegal the Cat, Kilgrim Mastersmith, Violet Frost, and Bitazity Shadeslayer, Renati would become a paranoid mess, furious at both the new houses and old and causing a general political stagnation within the kingdom. The half-finished Palace of Sarun was closed to the nobility for years at a time, and relations between the King and his once-loyal nobility collapsed. The final, and by far the most famous, was the Doom of Seventis, known more widely as the Asulonian Plague. Thought to have originated from Subudai merchants, and, perhaps more often, raiders, the Seventic population was decimated by the initial outbreak of the Plague, reduced to but a tenth of its former size. Among the earliest casualties was King Renati, and the majority of the original Seventic people would meet their end along with him. In its place, a severely weakened rump state rested theoretically in Aerios Vallark, who was being tutored in the city that had once been capital of Salvus. His regency council, led by Bitazity Shadeslayer [previously made famous in the War at Midnight], was known to value their own vassal territories more than the health and wealth of the nation - thus sealing the trader-nation to its fate. As Seventis fell, so too did its ability to defend itself – the power of both the royalist and vassal banners greatly diminished, Exalted Godfrey’s vassals became able to make demands. A force of Flay horsemen delivered the letter that would seal the nation’s fate – bend the knee to Godfrey, or face war. Young Aerios accepted, and, never coronated, pledged his servitude to a land he had never seen. As Renatus absorbed its once-staunch ally and began the war of conquest that would eventually culminate in the creation of the Holy Orenian Empire, the last remnants of the Vallark dynasty began to wither away. His sister, Rose, became Exalted Godfrey’s second wife [though upon his death she infamously disappeared - some claim that Orion the Black, known at the time as Horen V, had her executed for a vassal daring to call her as beautiful still as his new Empress], and he was allowed to keep the remains of the destitute Sarunyr wastes as the Duchy of Norjun. His vassals scattered to the winds, becoming nobility elsewhere in the burgeoning Empire or bandit-lords in the wide forests of the continent; he would soon lose all but de jure control of Norjun to those few that remained, and even that would be revoked in time.

"They're trying to steal my name," muttered Paul Salvian, Regent of the Commonwealth and Harvest Lord. "There can only be one."

Paul Salvian, Count Temesch and Harvest Lord, unbuckles his scabbard and rests his blade within the armorial. Peace.

Paul Salvian smiles the sun's smile.

Paul Salvian rested in Temesch Hall, pondering how it had come to this, that brothers were made to fight brothers - and as the first leaves began to fall, he wondered where summer had gone.

"Elsilan'cruan ito pario, elsilan'cruan ito eth," sighed an elf.

no

House Novellen of Temesch and Moere Ie Meyse de Conse Temesch et Esheve Moere The House of the Counts of Temesch and Savoyard Moere A Brief Summary The Comital House of Novellen of Temesch and Savoyard Moere (coll. Temesch et Moere) was not so much founded as borne in cadency from the House of Novellen in that time of Imperial Hegemony. Recognized by Philip III upon the eve of his coronation, the House was first among such to be declared. Prior to this new accord, the descendants of His Imperial Highness, Robert Francis, were to receive naught save spite, as the hatred for their forebears was great. Were it not for Philip III and his dynasty, Temesch would have perished in the paranoia that was the reign of Philip II. However, as of now, recovery has been ten-fold. The family is now one historically ingrained within the fabric of the realm on both religious and political terms. In exile for so long, the House of Temesch, upon their return to Orenian society, planted roots within the lakeside shores of northerly Mardon and solidified ties via political marriage to the Principality of Savoie: the gracious hosts. They had held family and kin for the duration of their time apart from the Homeland. Modeled after the Leuven estate of old, the manor was established there. Nevertheless, Temesch also retained its ties to Savoie through the County of Moere, held by Paul-Salvian - a barren beachhead populated by no more than a handful of remote fishing villages and a mere five heads of Hyspian cattle. With the Principality's dissolution in 1872, however, the countryside survived while the state burned. Therein with the passing of the late patriarch Adrian Marcellus, the current familial incarnation is situated with all holdings beneath one roof: Temesch et Moere. As one titan has passed, he is survived by his children, who inherit his legacy as a coterie of expansive bureaucrats backed by an inheritance of good choices. Temesch, unlike most, retains a prestigious lineage and compact form without falling into the obscure fate that has befallen so many other cadet families with time. Whilst Temesch is cemented as predominantly of High Imperial stock; there remains a great pride for the entirety of its lineage. Within Temesch is the blood of Novellen, yet also Basrid and Savoie. Rhenyari and Savoyard. Thus, the family arms utilize an amalgamation of all three quartered within its heraldry - the personal arms of Prince Adrian center stage, a golden wolf with a scroll held in its maw. For official documentation and internal communiques, a melding pot language coined as Noufeille Esheve, which is intentionally unspoken among outsiders to avoid the Auvergnat-Revivalist tendencies seen so often among the disreputable rabble that make up the lesser houses, is used. Titles Current The County of Temesch, Kingdom of Oren Ie Conse de Temesch, Regne Oren The Free County of Savoyard Moere Ie Freconse de Esheve Moere Titles Past The County of Moere, Principality of Savoy Ie Conse de Moere, Pronse Savoia Living Members Paul Salvian, Count of Temesch and Savoyard Moere Raised in San Luciano as a ward of the Savoyard Court. Upon its destruction, returned to the Kingdom of Oren and given a traditional education within the Temesch Manor. His brother, Charles Joseph Raised at first among the Orenian court before being sent for a decade to a monastery in the hinterlands for a religious education. His sister, Helen Marlene (called Héléne Marleaïs in Low Auvergnat) Raised solely by her mother, known to have profound distaste for her family - likely increased since being cut off from the excessive funding allowed by her father, then being sent off to the convent to become a nun. His sister, Alexandra Marcela A sickly young woman rarely seen outside of Temesch. His mother, Athene Olivia (called Athénaïs Olivienne in Low Auvergnat) A native speaker of Low Auvergnat, the Countess-Dowager of Temesch lives relatively estranged from her family, instead preferring the company of other noblewomen. Common Traits Familial members of Temesch are tan-skinned and dark reddish-brown hair - a rather strange combination of traits in modern Oren, their complexion is thought to be a holdover from their minority Rhenyari heritage, and ruddy hair is a Novellen trait passed down from Anne I. Their eyes are the now-common grey of that same Imperial family, and the quirks that once seemed pervasive among their ilk terrorize the line, manifesting primarily in physical ailments. Traditions Upheld Civil Asylum | Citee Alaier | The custom of civil asylum is the idea that any man temporarily quartered under another’s roof is entitled to the unbridled protection of his host, and exempt from all that wishes to bring harm to him, including the host himself. This ensures that a person can not commit violence to another under the guise of welcome. The existence of this tradition makes it so that the Savoyard are very careful of who they allow to set foot inside their homes, and often will refuse the entrance of vagrants and foreigners. This is said to have originated upon the betrayal of Ser Baldwin ‘the Black’, who slew his uncle within his own gardens, and the tradition adopted upon the marriage of Adrian Marcellus and Athénaïs Olivienne. Altar of Saints | Semille des Sant | Within the Temesch et Moere manor, a small chapel or area of worship is dedicated always to High Pontiff St. Lucien of Ulmsbottom, patron of crusaders, change, and family; upon entrance, it is customary to form a lorraine cross before the altar and set alight a candle in a moment of quiet reverence. While the manor is occupied, a candle is kept constantly lit beside the altar, signifying the everlasting flame of the vehement faithful. Perruque | Perruquet | Conflict against the House is not resolved by duels or brawls; instead, the insulter is to be captured by any means required and brought to its seat for interrogation before its patriarch. If no recourse can be made, they are to be wigged (the act of perruque), the false hair attached normally by hot tar, and released into the nearest governmental building. The first case of perruque was said to have been undertaken by a Josephite cabal in secret against a Galbraith that would not adhere to the party line. Feast of the Sunsingers | Fest des Carole Sol | Also traditional to Savoyard doctrine and upheld by the House Temesch et Moere is the Sunsingers’ Feast - though it is no feast, instead a hunt undertaken by those coming of age. This is related to the tale of the ancient Sunsingers, whom lived among permanent frost. When finally the Dark Sun fell, the frost began to thaw, and merry beasts left their hidden grottos - their ancient, pagan god’s gift to his persevering faithful, and the able-bodied were able to feed their families once more. Over time, this fable became conflated with the Canonist truth of Owyn’s return, and the Feast retained a minor place among more important holidays. The Seven Mercies | Set des Ovres | To feed the Hungry, give drink to the Thirsty, clothe the Naked, harbour the Harbourless, visit the Sick, visit the Imprisoned, and bury the Dead - The Seven Mercies are not strictly adhered to, but instead virtuous deeds that one aspires to complete for those that in need. An extension of Civil Asylum grown from Imperial charity. Honored Ancestors Beginning with the tale of Robert Francis, Prince of the Holy Orenian Empire. -=- HIH Robert Francis, Count of Temesch 1793-1858 Wayward second son of HIM Philip II, known as a pilgrim early in life and a vagrant later. Before his mother's unfortunate bout of madness, Robert Francis grew up a typical Imperial Prince. Well-spirited, a bit haughty, but by no means a standout, there were no signs that the young prince would slip into the reclusiveness that gripped much of his formative years. However, when his mother's sickness sapped her strength in mind and body, the young Robert, thoroughly attached to her, fell into a depressed stupor and retreated into his quarters, where he remained for some time. Little was heard from him, except for the occasional weeping and bouts of fury, and it is said that during this time, a demon took possession of his mind, though, by the accounts of Robert (and a fair few of those that later claimed to have been his travel companions), it was actually the voice of God speaking to him. Finally, at the age of fifteen, at the insistence of his sisters, Anne Caroline and the famously pretty Helen Antonia, he mustered the ability to attend the coming of age ceremony of his cousin, Helena Augusta. Despite being a malnourished shut-in for around a decade, the frail, inexperienced Robert Francis partook in a friendly duel against Helena. Although he lost, he held his own against the prominent swordswoman- it was said that God guided his hand in the duel. While Robert Francis would never make his mark as a prominent warrior, from that moment on, he would be known as a dependable warrior and seek a life closely related to that of a soldier. Around sixteen, Robert would be betrothed to Margaux Helvets, the daughter of the Duke of Cathalon. It would cause controversy within the courts, as Margaux had already been betrothed to Peter d'Arkent, heir to the Duchy of Sunholdt. To further escalate this, a few Sedanite knights claimed to overhear the young prince insult and speak ill of Margaux in private. They quickly spread their account, making it a hot topic of gossip around the Imperial Court. Immediately after, they challenged the young Prince to a duel. It was met with silence as per the instructions of the Emperor. Robert Francis and Margaux Helvets soon reconciled, but mere weeks later, he fell into a great fit of madness. Due to his piety or fear of all things holy, his father, the Duke of Crestfall, sent Robert away. He demanded that his son not return until his mind had been cured but was merciful enough to give Robert a few holy relics to aid him. Robert dutifully left the city, where he soon came upon a small Knights company in the Church's service. These knights were venturing to the accursed city of Talon’s Grotto, a port town known to be home to several monsters and sorcerers, to scout it to determine the viability of a crusade. When they reached Talon’s Grotto, Robert and the crusaders discovered that despite their far inferior numbers, Talon’s Grotto was a town devoid of military or central leadership. Seeing no need to report back to the High Pontiff to initiate a large-scale crusade, Robert and the 90 crusader knights stormed Talon’s Grotto and sacked it, killing many of the demonic inhabitants and burning it to the ground. Imperial historians noted that this was the greatest among a fair few causes that led to the destruction of Talonsport as an entity and the formation of the Dark Elven Vortissine state in its place. This brave storming of heathen lands was well-noted by Dame Helena Augusta - and, with issues raised in the Cathalon betrothal eventually ending in it being broken off, Robert courted, successfully, the Holy Dame. His life thereafter, however, grew quiet - until, in 1858, he is recorded to have suddenly passed away in a feverish madness. -=- Holy Dame Helena Augusta 1791-1869 Devout daughter of the Basrid Count of Susa, Iskander Alexios, known to be the strongest Orenian-born woman of the time. Helena Augusta, as a child, if she was not practicing her sparring with a wooden training sword her soldierly father had so kindly given her, always found herself perched beside her balcony, staring west as the first rays of morning began to puncture the sky. Her brothers would say their sister would be daydreaming of mere follies, though her parents knew better. From a very young age, the only daughter of The Princess Imperial of the Holy Orenian Empire and Count of Susa had a vision - a dream - so profound and enduring that her mother, Elizabeth, once likened this passion to a sun that would never set. Although she was born as a member of the Imperial Family, due to her being styled as an Earl’s daughter as the product of a morganatic union, Lady Helena was afforded enough freedoms and parental support to pursue her unconventional interests. By the age of fourteen, the eager Basrid scion became a squire beneath Holy Sir Armande de Rennes, the Apostolic General and most high ranking Equester of the Canonist Church, who later in life transitioned from being a mentor to a dear friend. At age nineteen, Helena debuted, to her chagrin, before all of Orenian society and made a conscious decision to wear traditional Rhenyari attire that included trousers. This roused the criticisms of Imperial High society, though she did not seem to mind; marriage was the furthest probable thing from her mind. Two years later, The Squire-Armiger became The Holy-Dame Equester Helena of Rosemoor and Susa in service of the Papal state, and by extension, GOD. She served without fault for several years and duly took upon several squires, among them the late Viscount of Provins, Philip Pruvia. At twenty nine, Helena Augusta married her longtime companion, Prince Robert, later the Count of Temesch; she endearingly knew him as “Rob”. She would bear four children for him. At the age of fifty, The Holy Dame was promoted to Knight-Commander of Exalted Owyn’s Knightly Order and fruitfully executed the mission she valued most: delivering the remains of her beloved friend and mentor, Armande de Rennes. She maintained such a position until she matured in age, eventually retiring to the crisp-aired coast of San Luciano in her son, Prince Adrian’s, summer residence to quietly mourn the loss of her husband. She travelled alongside her son, Father Ioannes, for a nondescript but lengthy amount of time; the details of her travels are yet to be disclosed by either she or her son. Twenty years later, at the age of seventy one, Helena, the Dowager Countess of Temesch, returned to the Courts of Oren where she served as Concierge beneath the Holy Orenian Empress, Anastasia I, for nearly ten years. When the Emperor and Empress perished and the Brothers’ War began, Helena quietly vied for a resolution but ultimately lent her passive support to Frederick I for his uncompromising promise and piety. At the age of seventy-eight, Helena Augusta of Rosemoor and Susa passed in her son’s estate within the region of Upper Petra and was found upon her balcony, sat upon a chair, while the sun’s rays began to set upon the Heartland’s urban horizon. Although she seemed to be in excellent health for her advanced age, doctors from the Royal Court of Frederick I determined that the Imperial Princess had been quietly suffering from a malignant cancer in her liver but also noted that her passage from the mortal plane to the heavens was nothing short of peaceful. -=- Adrian Marcellus, Count of Temesch 1824-1880 Vice Chancellor of the Kingdom of Oren and promulgator of the eponymous Edict of Temesch, which set the theme of democratic movements for a generation. Closeted within the Basrid Estate at Rosemoor with his siblings, Adrian Marcellus grew as a silent and sickly child plagued by hemophilia for a large portion of his life. Wounds did not clot, he bruised easily, nor could he exert himself too much save a few moments of strain. For this reason, he was kept at home. Unallowed to travel by his protective mother like a bird in a cage. However, despite the ailments of his body, the young Lord’s mind was untouched, a blessing in disguise, and so too was he not wholly alone either. Upon the Estate, his closest companions in those days were his cousin Jasper and his two siblings, Alice and Ioannes. Particularly inseparable was he from his brother Ioannes, his twin. When he was finally healthy enough to vaunt away from the Estate and live at Augustine, this sheltered childhood proved inadequate. For their family had fallen out of favor at Court, particularly with his grandfather Philip II who ignored all out of shame and loathing for his son, Adrian’s father. Thus, he received no privilege, no respect, yet evermore important, no kindness, and so he grew to despise the Court, his grandfather, and the entirety of the farce that was palace life. Connection within the Court was few and far between, his aunts Anne Caroline, and Helen Antonia, and his cousins Anastasia and Philip, before their ascent. As his adolescence ended so too did his patience with the Palace, as his grandfather refused to allow his father’s inheritance to be naturally interred by his children. Should Robert expire Adrian and his siblings were to be left with nothing. It was not an uncommon occurrence. Jasper, too, once heir to Susa, had been erased from the succession unacknowledged. Thus, there was only one route to follow. There was no place in the Empire for them, no promise for ambitious young men, so when Jasper left, Adrian also went, with his brother en-tow, to the southern continent and Savoy. Hosted within the Court of Savoy, the atmosphere was completely different, and he became fast friends with all, including his most gracious hosts. Their self-imposed exile bore fruit and freedoms unavailable previously. It was a time of much revelry, excitement, and carefree adventure. Nonetheless, it was also at this time that the family became disparate. Ioannes left for Du Loc to take the crimson cloth. His sister Alice was married and forwent their household for that of her husband. In many ways, though wild and untamed in Savoy was also a stagnancy, there would be no growth from these conditions. So when his grandfather perished, and the climate of his Homeland changed, Prince Adrian’s ambition was renewed. When the Prince of Savoy mustered his might to aid Philip, Adrian joined resolutely, returning unto the Empire with vigor to aid his cousin in seizing the throne. This savvy success marked the series of endowed choices that allowed familial prestige to be restored. With grandfather no longer in the picture, his regime broken, and his supporters fled or sworn in fealty, respect was easily attainable, and no limitation was put upon the right of birth that had been stolen. Throughout this time, immediate results were commonplace during the reign of Philip III. Adrian served in Civil Affairs, saw his titles restored and properly inherited, as a Grandee in the Diet, and eventually as Director of Intelligence to the Imperial Crown. His calm practicality served him well, as, despite the dozens of opportunists who pervasively infested the new regime, Prince Adrian had competency unfound anywhere else above each. With no prejudice to reinforce the wall he faced, all would be torn down, and everything lost was restored just as quickly as it had been taken away. The task therein would be to ensure that it could never happen to him or his ever again. Thus, as newfound politics shifted, the Prince finally settled upon marriage to Athénaïs de Savoie, the daughter of Oliver Renault, his gracious host. So too did he situate the familial home within the Mardonic territory of the Prince Frederick Charles, the most promising of his cousin’s children. As though despite the successes of the day conflict was inevitable in time. There was almost always more to accomplish. When the winds changed, Temesch rode it with full sails, declaring in all but words for the young Prince Frederick. Even-tempered and calculated, Adrian had learned during his tenure in Savoy the words of his patron well: not words, but deeds. Civil War came, but it was swiftly won by Frederick’s military acumen and the political machinations of both he and Albert de Falstaff. Though politics, as so many find, is a game for the young, of which Adrian was no longer. Thus, in the capacities of Privy Seal and Vice-Chancellor after the War, he did much, though he slowed gradually over time. As he enforced the will of his younger partners he established the grounds for the General-Assembly, the very form of which the Government would take. Wrote speeches, established treaties. He worked even as he marched unto the grave. His siblings passed on with little notice from him, his children provided for by household servants, though he loved them. He did not truly raise them. As he was left with a tarnished legacy, all his labors were to be accomplished therein so that he and his ilk might feel pride in their family newly nourished by power. He was a sheltered youth who exploded unto life, experienced all he could, seized all he could. Just as quickly, he perished, suddenly within his palatial office, slumped over his desk, head in his work. Artifacts in Possession Northern Flamberge of Philip III The blade HIM Philip III wore at his hip during the retaking of Southbridge, it is a crude, torturous thing of jagged, sharp ridges. Proudly received by Adrian Marcellus after the execution of three Sedanite prisoners of war. Ironically nicknamed ‘For the North’. Blessed Blade of the Martyred Saints A sword made of human bone, Robert Francis was purportedly guided to it, and the ancient Arany-Bosca treasure trove of Olde Temeschburg, which had mysteriously washed ashore in the realm of Arcas, by St. Lucien of Ulmsbottom in a holy vision. Artifacts Lost Holy Banneret of Robert Francis Said to have been received by holy gift in frigid Vaelya, the Banneret was given to Robert Francis by his father, HIM Philip II, just before the former departed for a years-long pilgrimage.

Paul Salvian Temesch et Moere is struck by sudden inspiration. Upon returning with the new scandal-sheet to Temesch, he makes a very moving painting and sends it to a few of his closest friends.