THE WINTER CROWS: Volume I; Introduction & Petyr I - The Founder

[Nectorist 7429]

THE WINTER CROWS: Volume I; Introduction &

Petyr I - The Founder

Written by Demetrius Barrow

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Introduction

"It was once a sickly, frail beast, this line of Barbov. I hope, if nothing else, I have given it the glory that it so deserves.” - King Andrik III of Haense as he lay dying of wounds he received from a boar

 

The Barbanov Dynasty stands as one of the most storied and enduring families to have occupied a space in humanity’s history. Rivaling the great houses of Horen, Carrion, Rurikid, and Savoie, the legacy of the Barbanovs has transformed from one met with derision and scorn to one admired across the known world. Now, with the House of Barbanov standing triumphantly over the other families of the human realms, it is a useful practice to chronicle and document the lives of the Kings of Haenseti-Ruska that led their families and people along the course of ascension. 

 

In this series, we shall be examining the lives of the various Kings of Haense in the hopes of evaluating and answering a series of questions that have flurried around the studies of the Kingdom of Ice. Why has the Barbanov family been able to secure its place atop the hierarchy of Haense without serious internal opposition? How has Haense managed to survive for so long, barring a few aberrant exceptions, despite the many challenges it faced? How have the ruling practices of the Haeseni Kings reflected the cultural trends and developments among the wider populace?

 

With these studies of the men who held the throne of Haense, we will explain the growing competence of the individual monarchs of the northern kingdom as well as the increasingly-sophisticated bureaucracy and administrative support structures around them. In adopting successful instruments of government practiced before them, while also retaining a ‘Haeseni flair’ that kept such institutions from stagnating too soon.

 

We will chronicle the change in virtue of our national character, as exemplified in our leaders and important men and women throughout history. As the kingdom born to warriors in a feudal era has now embraced an idler, simpler practice of life, our present purpose and existence has grown increasingly clouded. Even in more recent years, our unparalleled hegemony over the human states has shifted into a balanced, cautious, yet presently peaceful co-existence with states of similar capacity. Over the arc of history, Haense’s fortunes have waxed and waned, and with each turn the national character has been reshaped.

 

In writing this, we aim to look back to history to shed some light on our path forward. We wish to provide His Majesty, Aleksandr II and his descendents a chronicle of their ancestors with which they map wisely and astutely learn from both the mistakes and triumphs of the centuries before. We hope that, if given its due consideration, the past may breathe life into our present state and enable a cultural regeneration that may allow our kingdom to master its own ambitions.

 

While these biographies are not sufficient histories of the Kingdom of Haense, nor the Haeseni culture, they will serve to faithfully depict the various trends and characters of the Barbanov Dynasty while also accounting for their rise among the realms of man.

 

Petyr I - The Founder

"Forward, Carnatia! Forward! Let our story be born today as we march against our foes!” - Hjalti of Seahelm’s account of Ser Petyr Barbanov’s rallying cry at the Battle of Curon Forest, 14th of Owyn’s Flame, 1561.

 

It was not expected that young Petyr Barbanov would grow up to found one of the greatest dynasties, and kingdoms, that history has seen.

 

The son of Duke Sigmar of Haense, a rebel leader who was exiled after the ill-fated “Duke’s War,” and Kamila Vladov, daughter of another prominent rebel family, Petyr Barbanov’s upbringing was certainly influenced by the circumstances surrounding his family’s exile. It is reported that Sigmar and Kamila, still pregnant with the future Petyr I, fled their confiscated lands to join distant kin in the court of Nova Horas in Aeldin. It was there, on the 23rd of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1522, that Petyr ‘Sigmarovic’ was born. In the court of a foreign lord far removed from the events of the continent of Vailor, Petyr’s upbringing was peaceful, but also unremarkable. According to several banking documents obtained from an Aeldenic boat washed ashore, Sigmar and Kamila had few means of making their own income and were forced to borrow from loaners and family members at every turn.

 

Records from this time in Petyr’s life are scant, but a festival book from Nova Horas dated to around 1525 does not include any of the Barbanov trio’s names among the list of dignitaries, suggesting that, pursued by their unpaid creditors, they were forced to flee from Nova Horas. Another account, sourced from a dream that was written down by Sigmar Barbanov himself, says that he had been caught having an affair with a local princess, which forced the family’s flight. Their journey falls dark around this time, but they would not have to flee across Aeldin for long. In 1526, John Frederick Horen, coincidentally an Aeldenic exile himself, returned to the mainland to restore the Holy Orenian Empire as a part of the wider Horen Restoration movement that dethroned the Savoyard dynasty that had exiled the Barbanovs five years earlier.

 

In the wake of his ascension to the Imperial throne, the now John I issued a general pardon to all those who had participated in the Duke’s War. Archival research from Richard Worworth, the court biographer under Emperor John V, in his Accounts from the Horen Restoration, reveals that Sigmar Barbanov and his family were exempt from this pardon for reasons unknown. Worworth further asserts that it was not until the reign of John II that the Barbanov family returned to the mainland. However, some controversy surrounds this theory, as soldier payment rolls from the late Eighteen Years’ War, along with recently-discovered charters issued by Jan Kovachev, Duke of Carnatia, suggest that Sigmar Barbanov and his family returned to Oren not long after the Horen Restoration.

 

Despite conflicting evidence at hand, much of it leans towards the family’s return to Vailor no later than 1530. At this time, the Empire and its elven allies found themselves at war with the tribes of Urguan, all united under the Underking Midgor Ireheart. While the great battles that would come to define the war had yet to be fought, and the conflict was limited to minor raids and skirmishes across borders, the various lords of the Empire were eager to assemble levied armies of their own, both for their own protection and to endear themselves to the Emperor.

 

While it is unknown whether Sigmar Barbanov participated in the Eighteen Years’ War (although it was claimed by a dwarven woman in Kal’Valen that he had taken a coffee from her shop without paying), it is historically certain that Petyr Sigmarovic did. Joining the ranks of Duke Jan Kovachev’s formidable host, the young Barbanov became a cadet at the age of sixteen. Aside from the many skirmishes of the war, he was cited for his bravery at the Battle of Cape Bronson in 1540 after he saved Lord Henry Rothesay from his burning vessel. It is assumed that he partook in many of the great battles and sieges of the war after 1538, but he is not mentioned again until 1546, where he was noted as being a part of the personal staff of Joseph Vladov, Baron of Franzenburg and commander of the Imperial armies.

 

It was during this time that the young Petyr Barbanov grew into his own. Later accounts from soldiers who fought beside him during the war claim that he was a well-liked and competent officer. While he was no great strategist or tactician, and only rose modestly up the chain of command, eventually commanding an infantry battalion by the war’s end in 1547, he was a reliable and able junior officer. Also by the war’s end, he was personally knighted by Emperor John II for his merits on the field of battle, making him Ser Petyr Barbanov. Perhaps most importantly, this early experience in warfare gave him an invaluable knowledge that would serve him the rest of his life. 

 

After the Eighteen Years’ War, Ser Petyr returned to his family’s lands in Carnatia. However, while he had left the north a young cadet of sixteen, he had returned a seasoned knight of twenty five. A close ally and confidant of the Duke of Carnatia, Ser Petyr joined the ranks of his liege’s household knights and became an informal advisor to the esteemed Kovachev. Although he possessed little in the way of formal education, Ser Petyr’s inquisitive nature meant he learned quickly, and he soon found himself being given increasingly important administrative duties as Carnatia grew.

 

The close relationship between Duke Jan and Ser Petyr cannot be understated. Having sworn to never marry, the Kovachev had no legitimate progeny of his own, and thus took the young Ser Petyr under his wing. Training him in the arts of warfare, politics, and administration, the revered Duke Jan molded Ser Petyr into the astute leader that he would prove himself to be. In later memoirs, King Petyr I would remark fondly on Duke Jan’s tutelage, saying:

 

"I could do little better than having one of history’s greatest men as a second father.”

 

It was also during this time that Ser Petyr’s personal influence grew. Although he was not a titled noble, the name Barbanov carried weight, and the man who bore it had not lost his natural charisma and good nature from the war. He quickly endeared himself to many of the leading men of Carnatia and soon he could count twenty knights sworn to him personally.

 

With the outbreak of the Third Rurikid Uprising in 1556, Ser Petyr found himself pressed into service again. This time, though, he was not to begin as a lowly cadet. As one of John II’s most reputable commanders, Duke Jan Kovachev was called to join the Imperial host against the uprising at Avar. While this was not without controversy, as Duke Alexander of Courland was named the principal commander of the Imperial army over Duke Jan despite possessing a less impressive pedigree, the men of Carnatia eagerly rallied to the Emperor’s banner. Without a second thought, the Duke of Carnatia took his loyal Barbanov vassal with him, naming him his chief of staff. 

 

While the Imperial host gathered to launch an expedition to Avar, a personal tragedy struck the life of Ser Petyr. His father, Sigmar, having been ailing from a lingering bout of whooping cough, died on the 2nd of the Owyn’s Flame, 1557, at the age of 55. In later letters, King Petyr I of Haense would remark that despite his father’s personal failings, he had instilled values of honesty, integrity, and piety in his son that shaped him into the man that would one day become king.

 

Ser Petyr had little time to grieve, for only a few weeks later the Imperial host set sail to Avar. On the 10th of the Grand Harvest, the Imperial fleet found a large portion of the rebel navy, which had been strung out as it attempted to blockade the many remaining Imperial garrisons scattered across Avar. Hjalti of Seahelm, a thane and chronicler under the service of the Rurikid family at this time, wrote of Ser Petyr:

 

"Even as the tide of battle turned all the worse for us, the weight of the Imperial numbers crashing against us fiercer than the waves did to our ships, I came face to face with my captor. He was a stocky, short man with close-cropped brown hair. He must have lost his helmet during the fray, but the rest of his armor could not be missed. Wearing a steel breastplate, despite the danger it posed on the seas, the man proudly bore the sigil of a golden crow. For what felt like an hour he and I crossed blades, but as the men around me were cut down I felt compelled to lay down my own blade, knowing I would soon meet their fate.”

 

Quite magnanimously, the captured Hjalti was offered a place in Ser Petyr’s own ranks, which he accepted. The chronicler would serve to record much of the Barbanov’s words and deeds, and the two formed a fast friendship that would last until the former’s death at the Sack of Riga in 1564.

 

Ser Petyr presumably played a role in the Imperial campaign on Avar, and must have provided invaluable advice to Duke Jan as the Carnatian’s host was sent off to retake several of the rebel-held towns and castles. For the rest of 1557 and early 1558 they did just this, and by the month of Sigismund’s End, 1558, only the Avarite capital of Seahelm remained untaken. Duke Alexander and Duke Jan’s host joined again at Seahelm, beginning a two-month siege that would end with the city’s sacking on the 10th of Owyn’s Flame. While Ser Petyr was not officially noted as one of the first men over the walls of the city, Hjalti of Seahelm notes that the knight did capture Avalon Silversteed, one of the principal Avarite commanders, during the fight. For this, Ser Petyr received an official commendation.

 

Ser Petyr Barbanov catching poachers on the lands of his liege, Duke Jan Kovachev, c. 1558.

 

Returning home again, Ser Petyr finally pursued a topic that he did not have the time for over the events of the past two decades: marriage. Now the final living member of House Barbanov, and aged 36, the matured knight would need to marry and sire children in order to carry on his line. Although not officially a member of the nobility, both his deeds and his family name gave promise to the Barbanov bachelor, and he was soon paired with Elizaveta Ruthern, the sister of Count Maric of Metterden.

 

Little is known about the early life of Elizaveta of Metterden. Even her date of birth is mistakenly-attributed to being the 2nd of Sun’s Smile, 1548, when it fact it was the 2nd of Sun’s Smile 1538, making her around 20-21 when she wed Ser Petyr in 1559. After their union, the picture becomes much clearer in large part due to Hjalti of Seahelm’s accounts. Elizaveta played an active role in the management of her husband’s estates and in the development of his political strategy. It was she who encouraged him to adopt the styling of ‘Duke of Haense’ on the eve of the Riga War in an effort to give the Highlander people a symbol to rally around.

 

It was the Riga War itself that forced Ser Petyr to part from his wife less than a year into their marriage. The origins of the war lay in the Duchy of Courland. Britannus Vanir, Baron of Kraken’s Watch, had been granted tenure in Courland under the Treaty of Saltstone of 1556. Duke Alexander Staunton, who mistrusted and despised Baron Britannius due to the latter’s support for his brother, rival, and predecessor, Duke Andrew, constantly sought to undermine and unseat his unwanted vassal. Perceiving weakness in Emperor John II, who was perceived by all to be mad, the Duke of Courland sent a small force under his captain, Ser Demetrios Palaiologos, to storm Kraken’s Watch on the 12th of Sun’s Smile, 1558. Correctly surmising that the Emperor would not act to uphold the terms of the Treaty of Saltstone, Duke Alexander forced Britannius Vanir and his small, battered retinue to flee to the court of Carnatia.

 

Alarmed by the aggression of his neighbor, and wishing to support a fellow northern Highlander, Duke Jan petitioned the Emperor to mediate the situation. John II finally convened the Second Diet of Saltstone in 1559, but merely approved an official vassal war between Carnatia and Courland. Duke Jan assembled the banners of his realm, first among them Ser Petyr, and requested aid from his ally and fellow Highlander, Hetman Sveneld of Krajia, who accepted. Along with the Barony of Kraken’s Watch, the three formed the Carnatian League, which named Fiske Vanir, a seasoned warrior and the son and heir of Britannus Vanir, as its Lord Paramount.

 

It was during the Riga War that Ser Petyr Barbanov truly proved his merit. Although he was subordinate to men such as Lord Paramount Fiske, Duke Jan, Hetman Sveneld, and Baron Britannius, he was seen as a leader in his own right and led Duke Jan’s most sizable contingent, fielding fifty household knights and four hundred footmen. He was also given some agency to act independently, and frequently led his men in various skirmishes, minor sieges, and raids against Courland.

 

The early days of the Riga War was marked by much of these smaller actions. From 1559-1560, neither side committed to any great siege or large battle, and instead chipped away at small keeps and villages near the other’s border. While no great glories came from these bouts of combat, Ser Petyr was commended for his leadership by the Carnatian League after he took a tower overlooking a series of mills. By 1561, the Carnatian League felt confident enough to press into Courlandic lands with the hope of retaking Kraken’s Watch.

 

The first great action of the war was the Battle of Curon Forest on the 14th of Owyn’s Flame, 1561. In the thick woods of the Curon Forest, which covered the road to Kraken’s Watch, the host of the Carnatian League, numbering four thousand two hundred, met the Courlandic army, led in person by Duke Alexander, which numbered greater at four thousand seven hundred. Ser Petyr, leading the vanguard, performed masterfully that day. Official commendations from Lord Paramount Fiske state that Barbanov’s small force of mounted knights held the Courlandic center at bay in time for the main host under Duke Jan to arrive. Meanwhile, his infantry countered the Courlandic left and, with aid from the Krajian contingent, eventually broke it, sending the Courlanders fleeing. The battle, while hard-fought and bloody, was a certain victory for the Carnatian League.

 

Able to advance on Kraken’s Watch, the League put the undermanned castle to siege on the 14th of Owyn’s Flame, 1562. Duke Alexander, shattered after his great loss, fled to Riga, leaving subordinates in charge of defending the castle. As the siege progressed the forces of the Carnatian League feasted and celebrated. A wedding was held between Lord Paramount Fiske and Halyna Ivanovich, the daughter of Hetman Sveneld. Duke Alexander had all but abandoned his wartime duties, instead, as recorded by Courlandic chronicler Michael Kosher, “playing the lyre whilst singing, dancing, and screaming atop the roof of his palace.” No threat would come from him.

 

However, disaster struck the Carnatian League later that year. According to Hjalti of Seahelm, an affair was discovered between Hetman Sveneld’s son-in-law, Ser Jaromir Barrow, and Emilia Vanir, a daughter of Baron Britannius. A great argument ensued between the men, which soon spread to the camps. Although a full-scale fight was averted, the men of Krajia promptly departed. Marching to the gates of Riga, Hetman Sveneld pledged his army to Duke Alexander.

 

This turn in fortune for Courland came too late to save Kraken’s Watch. On the 7th of Tobias’s Bounty the castle was finally liberated. Baron Britannius’s lands were restored, and another significant contingent of the Courlandic army had been neutralized. A week of feasting was ordered, and it is reported that Ser Petyr bought three rounds of drinks for all of the men in the Carnatian army (although some sources dispute this and claim it was only two).

 

By the time of the Siege of Kraken’s Watch, blatant violations of the Diet of Saltsone had been committed by both sides. Believing the cause of the Carnatian League to be just, hundreds of volunteers from across the Empire had streamed into Lord Paramount Fiske’s army. At their peak they made up one thousand five hundred men in his ranks, nearly a third of his whole army. On the Courlandic side, former Avarite rebels, having coalesced into the Principality of the Dreadlands outside of Imperial borders, began to join the combined Krajian-Courlandic army. They too would make up a large contingent of the Courlandic force.

 

These mixed armies met at the River Westmark on the 7th of Sun’s Smile, 1563. Now fielding a larger force, numbering around four thousand six hundred, Lord Paramount Fiske ignored the advice of some of Duke Jan’s outriders and marched against the Courlandic host, believing it to be smaller than it was. Little did he know that the Courlandic army, reformed, bolstered by men of Krajia and the Dreadlands, and led by Hetman Sveneld himself, numbered only one hundred fewer. As the men of the Carnatian League slowly crossed the Westmark, the carefully-laid trap was sprung.

 

Ser Petyr, once again leading the vanguard, was subject to the brunt of this ambush. Hundreds of Krajian cossacks swarmed his knights and footmen. Elsewhere along the field of battle, Courlandic and Dreadlands soldiers crossed shallow fords along the river and attacked the crossing Carnatian army from both sides. In complete disarray, the Carnatian commanders could only muster a frenzied retreat, no doubt made all the easier by the brave stand of Ser Petyr and his men, who held up much of the Courlandic army by their refusal to surrender.

 

It was here that Ser Petyr was taken captive, finally surrendering to save the rest of his host. Only ten knights and sixty footmen remained. He and his soldiers were led back to Riga in chains and thrown into the great dungeons of the city. For over a year, Ser Petyr remained in the dungeons of Riga, believing that any day could be his last.

 

With his execution seemingly imminent, Ser Petyr had a series of letters sent to his wife back home in Carnatia, apologizing for his death that was to come. He lamented that he would not have the opportunity to tell her goodbye, or to see their son Andrik grow into a man, but he hoped that he had brought honor to the Barbanov name where it had been lost on the walls of Barrowyk a generation earlier. He even pined once again for the peaceful, if uncertain, days back in Nova Horas. Most of all, though, he accepted the death that was to come and prepared to face it bravely.

 

His saving grace came months later. John II, receiving word of the Dreadlands’ assistance to Courland, grew enraged at Duke Alexander’s violation of the rules of the conflict (his overlooking of the Carnatian League’s safe offense is to be reserved for another book). He declared the war ended in favor of the Carnatian League, named Duke Alexander a traitor of the realm, and stripped Courland of much of its lands. Duke Alexander, with the support of the city of Riga and many of his vassals, rose up in rebellion against the Empire and named himself King of Courland.

 

However, Duke Alexander and his Courlandic supporters were alone in this decision. Hetman Sveneld and his Krajians returned to their lands, not wishing to contest the power of the Emperor. Meanwhile, a pro-Imperial faction in the Courlandic court staged a coup against Duke Alexander and placed his young son Percival on the ducal throne. A peace was quickly negotiated with the Empire and the Carnatian League, which ceded great tracts of land to Carnatia, named Baron Britannius as Lord Regent of Courland, and released Ser Petyr and his men.

 

An interpretation of the captivity of Ser Petyr by Courland, painted for an art contest in the small town of Raciborz in Haense, c. 1893

 

Ser Petyr’s release on the 20th of the Sun’s Smile, 1564, was quite a fortunate event. A day later the city of Riga rose up in protest against Duke Percival and his government, decrying the peace that they had made with the Carnatian League. The boy duke and his followers quickly fled the capital. Leaving the gates open, they granted permission for the League to march into Riga and occupy it in the duke’s name as the boy was brought to Felsen. Obliging in his duties as Lord Regent of Courland, Fiske Vanir and his host stormed Riga to brutally quash the rebellion.

 

While Ser Petyr was nominally involved with the brutal Sacking of Riga, he had only recently been released from captivity and was in no condition to fight. Hjalti of Seahelm took command of the few of Ser Petyr’s men who could fight and led them into the city. The loyal soldier and chronicler of Ser Petyr would die that day from a stray bolt accidentally fired from a crossbowman in Ser Lerald Vyronov’s retinue.

 

Although the Riga War had concluded, Ser Petyr was not yet able to return home. Much of the newly-acquired Carnatian lands had to be resettled and reorganized, and Duke Jan called upon his most competent, trustworthy vassal to aid him in this effort. As a reward for his services, a sizable chunk of territory was allotted to Ser Petyr, and he was allowed to officially bear the styling of Duke of Haense. The newly-reformed Duchy of Haense, while still subservient to the Duchy of Carnatia, would be the new home of Duke Petyr Barbanov. He excitedly sent letters to his wife and son back in Carnatia and called for them to join him.

 

Upon his wife’s arrival, Duke Petyr was overjoyed to have found that they were blessed with their first child, a boy named Andrik Otto. Born on the 11th of Sun’s Smile, 1564, mere days before his father’s release from captivity, the parentage of young Andrik, the future King Andrik II, is subject to some debate. In historical circles it is commonly believed that Duke Petyr could not have possibly been his father, as he was on campaign around the time that he was conceived. Petyr’s capture at the Battle of Westmark on the 7th of Sun’s Smile, 1563, and his imprisonment for over a year, would also suggest that he could not have been physically present with his wife, whose presence with the Carnatian League army would have certainly been noted by Hjalti of Seahelm.

 

However, recent archives from the municipal council of Riga may shine light on the truth. It is reported that around around the month of Owyn’s Flame there were talks of a prisoner’s exchange between the Carnatian League and Courland, which involved weeks of negotiations and a brief cessation of hostilities. It was during this time that the families of those captives on both sides were allowed to visit their captured loved ones. With this evidence having only recently resurfaced, it is sensible that past scholars would question the parentage of Andrik II. However, it can be well-assured that he was the legitimate son of Petyr.

 

Despite their victory, peace still evaded the northern lords. Late in 1564, a quarrel between Duke Jan and Ser Jaromir Barrow resulted in the latter’s assault at the hands of the old, but still spry, Kovachev. Hetman Sveneld, having gathered his strength in Krajia, rose up in rebellion against the Empire and declared himself King of Ruska. He made common cause with the disgraced Courlanders, Dreadlanders, and other smaller allies across the world, namely Haelun’or, the tribes of Krugmar, and others to form a united front against the Empire. By 1565, raiding bands from Krajia and the other coalition members were penetrating into the borders of the Empire.

 

With a duchy to build from the ground up and a family to care for, Duke Petyr was far from enthusiastic to raise his banners once again. His holdings, mostly ruined after the Riga War, showed promise, with a number of small towns and castles, and plenty of fertile lands for farming, but restoring them would be a mountain of a task. Furthermore, his wife had recently borne another child, a girl named Juliya Katerina. Fortunately, Duke Petyr was not alone. Elizaveta, taking charge as her husband rode to fight in Ruska, oversaw the resettlement and restoration of Haense. Within a few years, the fledgling duchy turned into a prosperous northern vassal.

 

One of the reasons for Duke Petyr’s necessity in the Krajian Rebellion was the advanced age of the Duke of Carnatia. The great Jan Kovachev, by that point in his early seventies, was searching for a worthy successor to inherit Carnatia, and the Highlander legacy as a whole. Having never married, the old duke had no legitimate children of his own. There was no question that Duke Petyr, his loyal vassal and surrogate son, would be the inheritor. While the two men fought side-by-side against the Krajians for the first two years of the war, Duke Jan increasingly surrendered much of the control of the northern army to his protegee, allowing the now-experienced Duke Petyr to finally have complete control over a great army in his own right.

 

Thankfully for Duke Petyr, the nature of the Krajian Rebellion did not force him to stay too long at the front at any given time. Marked by minor raids and skirmishes, the war featured seasonal, low-intensity conflict that allowed for the Duke of Haense to frequently return home. One of these visits bore twins in 1566: Karl Sigmar and Heinrik Petyr, though the latter was born two days later and exhibited a number of deformities according to notes taken by the Duke’s resident doctor.

 

The year 1567 was one of both triumph and sorrow for Duke Petyr. On the 12th of Harren’s Folly, Jan Kovachev officially abdicated the Duchy of Carnatia to Petyr Barbanov, formally unifying the two realms under the personal control of House Barbanov. Jan Kovachev remained in the service of Duke Petyr, but would now play the supportive role that the latter had done for decades now. Still an invaluable advisor and knight in the Duke of Haense’s retinue, the two men completed a successful campaign against the Ruskans.

 

Tragedy struck when Duke Petyr returned home. His wife, pregnant again, faced complications during labor. While she was finally able to give birth to a daughter, Tatiana Aleksandra, on the 10th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1567, the endeavor was taxing for Duchess Elizaveta. She would die from the complications she faced later that day. Her death formed a hole in the heart of Duke Petyr, who spent the rest of the year in mourning, inconsolable as he locked himself in his chambers. Although he was only forty five, and could have easily remarried given his station, he remained faithful to her memory for the rest of his life. He dedicated far more of his time to raising his children and only occasionally ventured out on campaign to Ruska.

 

The death of the sickly Heinrik Petyr in late 1568 one again ruptured the heart of the Duke of Haense. Although it was well-expected that the young boy would not live long, two great losses within the span of a year weighed heavily on Duke Petyr. With Jan Kovachev, Ser Lerald Vyronov, and two hundred other freeriders, the Haensetians scorched the lands of Ruska in a series of great raids organized by the duke, no doubt to keep his mind away from the grief that haunted it. The campaign was only concluded when Duke Petyr received word of the abdication of John II to his son, John III, prompting his return to Felsen to swear fealty to his new liege.

 

With John III promising a more aggressive campaign against the Ruskans in the coming months, Jan Kovachev took the opportunity to retire atop his laurels and return to his estate. Duke Petyr, now one of the more experienced commanders in the Empire, was called to support the Imperial campaign against the Dreadlands. From 1569-1570, Emperor and duke rode side-by-side as they pillaged the wastelands of the brigand princes. A close bond was formed between the two and in correspondence with his government back in Felsen, the young Emperor remarked:

 

"None impressed me more than the man of the north, Duke Petyr of Haense. He is a fine vassal and a finer man. Great things will come of him and his line, and I ought to be the one to assure it. There is no doubt he has saved the Barbanov name from death by obscurity.”

 

With the world’s flight to Axios in 1570, Duke Petyr was granted a significant stretch of territory around the Greyspine Mountains in the north of Tahn. It was from here that Haense would flourish. Now the dominant northern lord, thousands flocked to his lands. Many streamed into his capital at St. Karlsburg, while others took to the great fields and forests of the Haeseni lands. Many prominent knights and noble families were granted great stretches of lands throughout the north, adding to Duke Petyr’s ranks a great host of vassals and loyal supporters. The size of Haense only grew as more lands were settled, and the end of the Krajian Rebellion would only bring further benefit to the north.

 

Exhausted from their campaigns against the Empire, and boasting far fewer resources and manpower reserves than the great armies of John III, the coalition collapsed. King Sveneld of Ruska fled his lands, while many of his people and retainers flocked to the court of Duke Petyr, owing to their cultural ties. The lands of Ruska were added to Duke Petyr’s own, while the Dreadlands were brought into the Imperial fold.

 

For the next two years Duke Petyr’s realm continued to grow and prosper. The Krajian Rebellion, though a long war, had not brought any serious ruin to him. In fact, it was much the opposite. Navigating the political realm with a steady, even hand he was able to turn many of his former enemies into loyal subjects and resettle them throughout his ever-growing lands. The duchy’s meteoric rise had been a source of pride for the Imperial government, chief among them John III, and the once-minor vassal had quickly grown to become one of the principal banners of the great Johannian Empire.

 

He also took this time of peace to care for his children, which had been made difficult with the constant affairs of war and politics that he was called to participate in. His young son, Andrik Otto, was a charismatic, intelligent young man. While he was a brash, rowdy youth, he was believed by many of the people of Haense to be a worthy son and successor to the good Duke Petyr. Less is said about the duke’s other children, but it was remarked by visiting nobles from other realms that his daughter, Juliya Katherine, was a pretty, spirited lass while his son, Karl Sigmar, was far more reserved, but possessed a keen awareness. It can be well-surmised that the Barbanov children were raised and taught well by their father and other tutors, and the duke’s love for his children is well-documented by all those close to him.

 

On the 14th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1578, John III made the momentous, historic decision to elevate Duke Petyr to King of Haeseti-Ruska. Named after the dual-lands of Haense and Ruska that were in his possession, Petyr Barbanov’s new kingdom was the birth of the modern Haesenti-Ruska, or simply Haense, that we know today. In a coronation ceremony held in St. Karlsburg two days later, the now King Petyr I was officially crowned before the great, cheering crowds of northerners that had so loyally followed him and had prospered for it.

 

The Coronation of King Petyr I of Haense, painted by Augustus Drieder, Haeseni court painter, during the reign of King Karl II, c. 1663

 

The War of Orcish Submission in 1579 was King Petyr’s last campaign. The tribes of Krugmar, one of the last surviving coalition members from the Krajian Rebellion, had continued to raid deeply into the territories of the Empire’s elven allies, taking slaves and pillaging towns. Having reached the height of his power, John III did not hesitate to send an ultimatum to the orcs, demanding that their raids cease. The tribes of Krugmar, uniting under Rex Vorgo, rejected the demands and began to attack villages along the outskirts of the Empire. Calling upon the full might of the Empire, John III summoned his armies to march into Krugmar.

 

As one of the Emperor’s most powerful vassals, King Petyr was obliged to answer the call to arms, which he readily did. The mutual trust between Petyr I and John III was evident, as the army of Haense was called to lead the Imperial vanguard. Donning his armor for the last time, Petyr I rode from Karosgrad with his host. At his side was his son and heir, Prince Andrik, who was to see his first combat as a part of his education. Father and son took the helm of the Imperial vanguard and rode quickly to Krugmar, hoping to arrive there well before the orcs would be expecting them.

 

Rex Vorgo, himself a vain and arrogant orc, had mistakenly believed that the Imperial army would take months to muster, so he did not properly concentrate his forces or prepare his defenses. Thus, Emperor John’s lightning-quick campaign caught him completely unawares. As the Imperial host surged into the rugged valleys of the orcish lands, they came across small, isolated orcish bands, all of which were rounded up and taken captive or cut down. Rex Vorgo, stunned by the speed of the Imperial campaign, retreated to his fortified capital of San’Kharak and sent a force of seven hundred orcish soldiers to block the road. 

 

At the Battle of Altay on the 5th of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1579, the Haeseni vanguard did battle with the orcish delaying force outside of the small village of Altay. King Petyr fought well that day, taking several prisoners, while Prince Andrik, who was given command of the cavalry, was said to have acquitted himself well in his first bout of combat. Older veterans of King Petyr’s army, those who had fought by his side back in the days of the Eighteen Years War, remarked that the young heir looked every bit the warrior that his father had been at the same age.

 

The victorious Imperial army moved on to San’Kharak, which was put to siege. Although the cruel but effective defenses made taking the citadel difficult, the Imperial host was so great that it mattered little. Rex Vorgo, knowing that it was only a matter of time before his capital fell, escaped one night with his family and a handful of retainers. Demoralized orcish defenders began to follow their chief’s retreat, and soon only three thousand orcs remained to fight.

 

On the 25th of Sun’s Smile, 1580, the final assault commenced against the citadel of San’Kharak. While King Petyr, having contracted an illness after the Battle of Altay, remained in his camp to direct the operations of the assault, Prince Andrik was given permission to lead the Haeseni host over the walls. It is said that he performed admirably in this ordeal, bravely taking the side of John III as the two advanced over the walls of the citadel. Within hours the city was taken, and it was said that the Emperor and the young prince were the day’s finest warriors.

 

Thankful that the war had ended without great difficulty, King Petyr and his son returned home. Matters of family and statecraft had been calling for him over the past year, and the aging king was eager to finally be able to return and attend to those matters which had eluded him. The first was the arrangement of betrothals for his children. While none were yet old enough to marry, the establishment of ties between vassal and liege was of paramount importance. 

 

To House Kovachev, the Counts of Turov, the hand of Prince Andrik was pledged to their daughter, Reza Elizaveta. To the Imperial Crown, Princess Tatiana was promised to Prince Philip Frederick. To House Amador, the Barons of Monstadt, the hand of Prince Karl to their daughter, Maria. To House Vanir, the Margraves of Vasiland, marriage options for Princess Juliya were discussed.

 

These marriage arrangements give insight into King Petyr’s political acumen, which continued even into his latest years. While Count Sergius Kovachev, Baron Ruslan Amador, and Margrave Fiske Vanir were all loyal and capable vassals of the Haeseni Crown, much of their loyalty had come from their long, shared histories serving beside or underneath King Petyr. The king had no wish for his realm to be dependent upon these personal ties and thus strived to build these close relations with his most important vassals.

 

By the spring of 1582, King Petyr felt confident enough in the network of marriage ties and alliances he had established to take some time away from rulership. Haense’s ascent had not yet slowed, St. Karlsburg proved to be a bustling capital, and his children were now growing into their own. With his lingering illness from the war in Krugmar still ailing him, the king decided to venture south to warmer lands. Writing to his old friend and liege, Petyr I informed John III that he would be venturing to Johannesburg, the great Imperial capital, shortly.

 

Leaving behind Prince Andrik as regent, the king departed for Johannesburg towards the end of the month of Sun’s Smile, 1582. After nearly a month’s travel, the king finally reached the great city. Having only seen it a handful of times since he had set foot on Axios, old King Petyr gladly received a tour from the Emperor himself around the bustling city, which was the only center of trade, culture, and vitality that surpassed St. Karlsburg. 

 

Although he enjoyed his time in Johannesburg, and was graciously received by his liege, the sickness that afflicted Petyr I did not subside. His condition worsened, and by the end of the month of Harren’s Folly he was confined to his chambers in the Imperial palace, unable to rise from his bed. Emperor John sent his personal physician and hired a litany of doctors in Johannesburg to try and cure the King of Haense, but all efforts failed. On the morning of the 4th of Sigismund’s End, 1582, King Petyr I of Haense was found dead in his bedchambers. He was 60 years of age and had ruled Hansetii-Ruska for just shy of four years.

 

The cause of death for Petyr I is subject to debate. While he officially is recorded of having died from lingering effects of consumption that he contracted during the winter months of the War of Orcish Submission (a diagnosis that these authors believe match the symptoms he exhibited and historical consensus), other theories have emerged:

 

From Krugmar, an orcish woman claimed that she had secretly married King Petyr during the war and that he had contracted a fatal disease from her. This tale can be safely disregarded, as it is well-known that King Petyr swore off remarrying after the death of his wife.

 

Rene of Soubise, a Lothairingian chronicler, recounts certain rumors spread around the courts of Metz that alleged foul play in the death of King Petyr. Although few were fond of the Haeseni king, the courtiers of Metz whispered that the Emperor had a part to play in his friend and vassal’s death. Once again, this is merely baseless rumor, as none of the autopsy reports suggest any sort of poison was present.

 

Almost immediately, a funeral service was held for the first King of Haense. As his body was marched through the streets of Johannesburg, the great crowds of onlookers shouted out cheers and prayers for the late king. Although the occasion was not one of great grief, for the Haeseni was foreign to the people of the Heartlands, nearly all knew of his deeds and service to the Empire, and took the occasion to celebrate his life. John III gave a final eulogy for his friend, which was said to have moved the crowd, which had then been more jubilant and celebrative, to tears. While a full transcript of this speech has not been preserved, we are given several excerpts:

 

"...as we lay to rest a man I called friend, let us be reminded that his example is not solely one of the ideal liege or subject, but of the ideal man. Enduring exile, poverty, alienation, and trial, he restored his lineage in a matter of decades. It is rare that such a feat is accomplished, yet it proves that, both within our Empire, and in the greater story of humanity, one may be able to rise despite the odds and create for himself a legacy fit to be told and remembered. His loss will be missed, for such men only rarely emerge in history, and they cannot ever be replaced.” 

 

When the body was finally sent to Haense the occasion was far more somber. Great masses of northmen and women dressed from head to toe in black followed the procession of the body as it passed into the southern territories of Haense and was carted up to St. Karlsburg. At the capital of Haense, thousands took to the streets to openly weep for the good king that they so loved. As he was finally laid to rest within the city, the local bishop called for a week of mourning to be had. It was adhered to by all.

 

Despite the king’s passing, and the sorrow it brought, his end brought with it some hope. The kingdom that he had left behind was powerful and still growing. His heir, while still inexperienced in the matters of state, had proven to be a brave, bright young prince. The vassals and leading officials of the realm promise to serve the son of King Petyr loyally, while the people were hopeful that Andrik would reign in the mold of his father. Despite the heartache that their good king’s death had brought, the horizon looked bright for the new kingdom.

 

Within four years, all those hopes would be dashed and the very survival of Haense would be threatened.

 

 

Dravi, Petyr I ‘the Founder’

23rd of Godfrey’s Triumph, 1522-4th of Sigismund’s End, 1582

(r. 14th of Tobias’s Bounty, 1578-4th of Sigismund’s End, 1582)

 

---

O Ágioi Kristoff, Jude kai Pius. Dóste mas gnósi ópos sas ékane o Theós. Poté min afísoume na doúme to skotádi, allá as doúme móno to fos tis sofías kai tis alítheias. O Theós na se evlogeí.

---

The reign of Andrik II shall be covered in the next volume of The Winter Crows.

[Jentos 6928]

A fallen man with skin as black as coal and eyes like rubies that had perpetuated through the ages nodded its head slowly at the text and its content. Apart from the few exaggerations, to be expected, and the bias born from human imperfection, the thing found the work both extensive and well written, without that odious sin of being dull (as some history can be). But the true interest of the nephilim laid in the memories the text brought back. In a way, those were bloodier, less merciful, but more exciting times for the creature. 

[Ibn Khaldun 7729]

 

Cunimund sends a letter and a copy of the first book of the first volume. The letter reads: Slanu, hail to thee! I am working on transcribing this magnificent work and intend to give you, the original author, one of the original transcripts for your personal library or copying delight.

[Gridlock 789]

"That's not how it went.." Said a long passed Winter Crow, who had ridden with Petyr and the boys back in the day. He was insulted at the twist of their tale and angrily munched on some gold oats before heading to the golds gym in the Seven Skies along with his other Gold Corps buddies (Petyr was one of them).

[yopplwasupxxx 5665]

Nice +1